Bhagat Singh in Bengali Writings /Himadri Banerjee

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Bhagat Singh in Bengali Writings

Himadri Banerjee

Department of History

Jadavpur University

Kolkata.

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The paper seeks to review a few printed Bengali sources regarding Bhagat Singh. Published over a period of eighty one years (1926-2007), these materials may be of some use to those who seeks to comprehend how the message of militant/revolutionary politics has been communicated among the Bengalis. These are mostly available in newspaper reporting, monograph and periodical. Here one may come across how the perceptions of the Bengalis about Bhagat Singh have changed over the years. The essay, however, does not claim that it refers to all published Bengali writings on Bhagat Singh.

Authors came from different walks of life and their contributions created a literary mosaic. A survey of these sources may provide a regional perspective to Bhagat Singh’s life as well as Bengal’s long term political association with Punjab during the days of the anti-colonial movement. My selection of the two terminal years (1926 and 2007) is primarily dictated by the availability of source materials. They not only refer to two different paradigms of Bengali mind separated from one another by a long time scale but also underline how imagination of a linguistic group is often coloured by certain local political considerations and newer social experiences.

These materials on Bhagat Singh can broadly be categorized under five heads. (i) Immediate reactions in Bengali after Bhagat Singh’s death in Lahore Jail (1931). Here the bulk of the information comes from the Report on the Newspapers and Periodicals in Bengal, January-June1931 (hereafter RNPB) preserved in the archives. These are English translated versions of Bengali writings. (ii) A few biographies of Bhagat Singh were published in the post independence years. Such life sketches are generally of two types: one meant for the serious readership while the other sought to cater to the needs of the children. (iii) Memoirs and autobiographies of a few Bengali revolutionaries and other Marxist leaders who had the privilege of meeting Bhagat Singh and/or working with him for a brief period in the 1920s. (iv) In the recent years some of the important writings of Bhagat Singh have been translated into Bengali. These provide first hand information about Bhagat Singh’s political philosophy. (v) Some recent essays refer to Bhagat Singh’s fighting role in British prisons published on the occasion of the birth centenary celebration (2007). These sources seek to evaluate the relevance of Bhagat Singh’s fight for the protection of certain basic rights of the political prisoners (1930-1931) inside jails. Growing intolerance of the Indian state towards political dissenters and human right activists since the last quarter of twentieth century has possibly added to their importance. These materials also try to underline that the oppressive state power’s needs resistance both inside and outside the jails thereby suggesting a struggle continuum for citizen’s democratic survival.

I

The first section of the paper is devoted to a few immediate Bengali press reactions about Bhagat Singh’s execution (March 1931). These sources may be supplemented by similar sources not included in the RNPB. Perhaps a small note on the content and the method of compilation of the RNPB may justify my supplementing these materials from other Bengali periodicals of the period.

The RNPB was generally prepared by one or two senior official Bengali translators holding office in the Intelligence Branch of the British administration. They first went through that voluminous newspaper –periodical reporting published in Bengal but selected only those news items which appeared directly or indirectly relevant to the contemporary nationalist and international politics. Later on these selected items were translated into English under certain classified heads and kept ready in print for official use. These were regarded highly confidential documents meant for the official use only and the common people had no access to these materials. Their pronounced official bias therefore precluded inclusion of many other crucial information which the bureaucracy did not regard important for its use.

These raw materials underline conflicting forms of reactions of the Bengalis. (i) A large section of the Bengali press expressed deep grief and sorrow at the execution of Bhagat Singh. They respectfully remembered Bhagat Singh’s heroic self-sacrifice but criticized the British administration’s indifference to save the revolutionary’s life (Swadhin Bharat, Lokmanya, Taranga, Kolkata). Some others also pointed out that the tragedy underlines the futility of honoring the terms of the recently concluded Delhi Accord signed between Gandhi and Governor General Lord Irwin (Nayak, Dainik Basumati, Kolkata). Others, however, advised the countrymen to remain calm so that the Delhi Pact did not become ‘a trivial thing’ (Dainik Basumati, Kolkata).

(ii) Another important form of press reaction was the glowing tribute paid to Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom but refused to agree that it had been the right path of attaining India’s independence (Bangavani, Dakha). They held that it would encourage ‘young men to secede from the Congress’ (Swadhin Bharat) and intensify hatred/ bloodshed in the countryside. The nation had become ‘restless’ (Nayak). They had deep apprehension of how ‘the public mind’ would react to the forthcoming Congress session at Karachi (Bangavani) though the majority had all praise for the message of nonviolence of Gandhi (Swadhin Bharat).

(iii) It was also acknowledged that Bhagat Singh’s aggressive path would likely to lead to serious fissure in the ranks of the nationalists (Pravartak, Chandannagar). A small segment of them even recorded that ‘Gandhi has been tricked by the British bureaucracy’ thereby strengthening ‘India’s fetters of subjection’ (Dainik Basumati). The Gandhian criticism of the militant politics of Bhagat Singh sometimes evoked silent protest (Prabashi and Bharatbarsha, Kolkata). Contemporary Bengali press reaction of the first six months following the execution of Bhagat Singh was generally of a mixed nature. It made no secret of its hatred against British rule. Its anger was sometimes expressed in the traditional social understandings like pap (sin) and attyachar (oppression) perpetrated by the shasak (ruling power) on its subjects (praja).

There are more materials of the same category which do not find place in the RNPB. I have left them aside for fear of being repetitive. There is hardly any long term unanimity in this voice of protest. Even some of them expressed doubts about the path of violence taken up Bhagat Singh while Gandhi was not also spared for his unfortunate comments regarding the role of the militant nationalists. But it did not continue for a long time. A review of the RNPB of the second half of 1931 would point out that there was virtually no significant reference to Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom in it. It seems that the death of Bhagat Singh had an immediate and overwhelming effect upon popular mind, generating deep shock for a certain period of time and later on it steadily died down.

II

There is another category of writings authored by a number of Bengali militant nationalists, revolutionaries and other Marxists leaders. These autobiographies and memoirs were mostly published long after Bhagat Singh’s death. At least one of them was originally written in English by one of Bhagat Singh’s comrades which were later on translated into Bengali. I have found many of these memoirs useful providing a near contemporary perspective to Bhagat Singh’s life.

Perhaps one may conveniently begin with a brief reference to Nalinikishore Guha’s Bangalr Biplabbad (1923). In one of its subsequent editions, Guha suggested that possibly around March 1924 Bhagat Singh was brought closer to the Bengal revolutionary groups through the intervention of Sachindranath Sanyal, a senior Bengal revolutionary long engaged in spreading the message of armed insurrections in different parts of northern India. This is also confirmed by Sanyal in his autobiography Bandi Jivan. Thus began almost a decade long interactions between them which had ended with Bhagat Singh’s death (1931). The latter had also an important role in suggesting certain changes in the name and organizational pattern of the HSRA. Sanyal and Bhagat Singh had mutually respectful attitude towards each other though they had equally some serious differences on matters of political ideology/strategy.

Ajoy Ghosh’s Bhagat Singh o Tar Sahakarmira (February 1946, a Bengali translated version of his Bhagat Singh and His Comrades, 1946) carried almost a similar message. The author came closer to Bhagat Singh when both of them were young and shared the common political ideology of resisting British imperialism through armed intervention. But after Bhagat Singh’s death, the author embraced Marxism and steadily distanced himself from the militant politics of the 1930s. He, however, wrote about his friend of the younger days with much appreciation and respect. He also made no secret of Bhagat Singh’s firm commitment towards social revolution though he was not perhaps ready to acknowledge him as one of the early followers of Marxism in India. Ghosh concluded that his (Bhagat Singh’s) political ideology was fast changing towards the closing years of his life.

Another important Marxist leader of the period was Muzaffar Ahmad. He had the occasion of meeting Bhagat Singh in Lahore (1926 December), came to know him when the latter had been busy in the different political activities of the Naujawan Bharat Sabha and the Kirti Kishan Party. Ahmad in his autobiography Bharater Communist Party o Amar Jiban (1969) briefly refers to Bhagat Singh. In his eyes Bhagat Singh was unfortunately nothing more than a terrorist. Muzaffar Ahmad’s assessment of Bhagat Singh is not shared by his other comrades in the party.

Bhagat Singh also figured in the autobiography of Trailokyanath Chakrabarti. Also known as Maharaja in Bengali politics, he spent more than thirty years of his life in British and Pakistan jails. His memoirs Jele Trish Bachhar o Pak Bharater Swadhinata Sangram (Kolkata 1968) not only outlines Bhagat Singh’s busy schedule in Kolkata (1928) but also the long talk he had with the Punjab revolutionary about the latter’s future plan of action. According to him, it had close relationship with the throwing of bomb in the Delhi assembly hall which finally led to his imprisonment and death in 1931.

Chakrabarti suggests that he secretly came down to Kolkata with the plan of meeting some likeminded senior militant leaders. With this end in view he first met Jatindranath Mukherjea (then known as Niralamba Swami) who had long before in Punjab for different organizational works there in the early years of twentieth century. With his blessings he also met Jatindranth Das in a place near north Kolkata and persuaded him to come out of Bengal and join the larger revolutionary activities in northern India. Chakrabarti’s memoirs also point out:

‘There was a good deal of personal touch and simplicity in his talk….I told Bhagat Singh, “You try to assemble five hundred volunteers from the different districts of Punjab. The group would be your future source of strength. Punjabis are martial race. Many of their relatives are in the army. If you build up a volunteer force, you can expect to begin an armed insurrection out of these men”… Bhagat Singh was happy and went away…..Initially Bhagat Singh tried to build up a group [as I have suggested him earlier] But he was depressed owing to his failure to build up a party of his own. He was then increasingly convinced that he should be doing something ….so that the Punjabis could be awakened from their sleep…After a few days it was found…that there was bomb busting in the assembly. ..Bhagat Singh firmly held that by throwing a few bombs or by killing a handful of Whiteman, the country would not achieve freedom. Bhagat Singh had deep faith that country would woke up by such acts. There would be an awakening among the young generation. Bhagat Singh’s execution created a new sense of confidence and hope.’

The validity of the above had been questioned by Shiv Verma, a long time associate of Bhagat Singh. Raising serious doubts about it, Verma had suggested that the throwing of bombs on the assembly (1929) was not entirely a personal choice of Bhagat Singh but it was decided in a general meeting of the HSRA held in the last week of February 1929. Chakrabarti wrote about his experience of 1928 nearly four decades later. One cannot rule out the possibility that in the meantime his memory of the meeting was considerably weakened. Verma’s writings possibly give us an unfortunate impression that Chakrabarti has not only made a mountain out of a mole hill but also trying to belittle the strategy as well as the sacrifice of Bhagat Singh.

The wider context of Chakrabarti’s memoir perhaps needs to be seriously read again for a better understanding of the encounter between the two leading personalities of India’s freedom movement. While appreciating Verma’s point of view, one expects to be equally careful and caring in reviewing Chakrabarti’s memoir. We are not also sure whether Verma was present when the meeting between Bhagat Singh and Chakrabarti had been going on in Kolkata. The description of the same meeting in two memoirs is likely to be different due to numerous reasons. It is perhaps one such area of the Indian past where the sources from different memoirs are likely to give rise to more than one versions of truth. Such methodological difficulties in the reception or rejection of Bengali sources need to be remembered in this connection.

III

The memory of Bhagat Singh was also remembered by another section of Bengalis in the post-independence decades. During the early years of independent India, reconstruction of the Indian past continued to remain an important agenda of the national life. Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom thus figured as one of the important icons of the nation building process. In the early 1950s, Bhagat Singh was first briefly remembered in a biography (1951).

It was a small book of forty seven pages and written by Nripendrakrishna Chatterjee, a popular biography writer of the period. Dev Sahitya Kuthir, a well-known publisher of nearly fifty years standing with many intimate links of the rural book trade, claimed that it was the seventh publication of the ‘Amar Beer’ biography series meant for young boys and girls. The monograph managed to include brief life sketches of Chandrasekhar Azad and Shiv Verma, two other comrades of Bhagat Singh in northern India.

It was written in simple style understandable to the young readership. Nripendrakrishna briefly referred to the heroic role of Bhagat Singh but simultaneously did not fail to refer to some of the major organizational weaknesses of the militant politics. The biographer, however, maintained silence regarding his sources of information. Since the book was primarily meant for kids, he perhaps regarded that it would not only affect his literary style but also make the volume big and heavy for the same category of readership. Further the inclusion of other two character sketches in a small volume marginalized his search for the Bhagat Singh of history.

On the occasion of the ninetieth birthday celebration (1997), Bengali interest on Bhagat Singh once more diverted to his biography writing. During the intervening years, he was ceremoniously remembered on his birthday and there were meetings and speeches commemorating his sacrifices. But from the late 1970s, there was growing competition among different political groups to appropriate his memory for strengthening their respective political base at the local level. The Indian National Congress was first in the race and even renamed a local park in the name of Bhagat Singh to perpetuate his memory among the Kolkattans.

During the same period different left political parties also no longer bracketed him with the terrorist movement of the colonial period. On the contrary, his commitment to fight imperialism with the support of the wider sections of the Indian people was increasingly appreciated by many of them. It led to the publication of three biographies out of which at least two were certainly of a very high order. None of the authors came from the university centric academic life nor do they ever claim of having any professional training in the discipline of history. There was at least one thing common them. They had either criticized or showed indifference about the non-violent politics of the Congress led national movement for its indifference towards the heroic sacrifices of the militant nationalists.

Pragati Maiti’s biography of Bhagat Singh (1997) is the briefest of the three. The author was actively associated with the Marxist led trade union movement of 1980s. A scion of the freedom fighters’ family, Maiti portrays Bhagat Singh as one of his ideal heroes of the Indian freedom movement but deliberately marginalized in the historiography of the Indian freedom movement. After reviewing numerous school level History text books he concludes that even a great martyr like Bhagat Singh has been a victim of the politics of silence for which he squarely blames the contemporary Congress leadership. During his younger days in the early 1970s he found the school level history text book was virtually a hegemonic narrative of the Gandhi-led Congress success story. There was virtually no reference to other streams in the national movements carried on by peasants, labourers, women and students which had added colour and variety to the struggle of the Indians. His biography also provides a glimpse of the struggle that had already taken place over the revision of school level text books in West Bengal since the late 1970s.

IV

The two other biographies are not written in the same aggressive vein and their authors are equally more concerned about their sources. One of them comes from Santosh Adhikari, a professional engineer. The title of the book is Santrasbad o Bhagat Singh. It is divided into twenty five uneven chapters with three long appendices and a bibliography. Its first five chapters are devoted to the family background and the formative years of Bhagat Singh’s life (1907-1923). Adhikari devoted special attention to the reconstruction of Bhagat Singh’s close relationship with the Bengal revolutionaries of different political shades and the bulk of the chapters of six, thirteen and twenty dwell on it. Here the names of Sachindranath Sanyal, Batukeswar Datta, Jatindranath Das, Trailokhyanath Chakrabarti and Jogeshchandra Chatterjee figure prominently in the book.

The title of Adhikari’s volume perhaps conveys author’s initial cautious and conventional approach. He is not also very consistent while describing the early political philosophy and plan of action of Bhagat Singh. The author then places him somewhere between the terrorists and the Ghadarites since both had subscribed to the doctrine of armed insurrections of varying shades. Bhagat Singh’s hero was then Kartar Singh of Saraba of the Ghadar fame. The sudden withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement made him disillusioned with the Gandhian politics of non-violence. Unlike Maiti, Adhikari never brought out his venom in public against Gandhi. But Bhagat Singh’s growing interactions with the different socialist and communist groups like the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) and the Naujawan Bharat Sabha since the mid 1920s prompted the author to revise his earlier assessment on Bhagat Singh. He was then confident that Bhagat Singh was increasingly exposed to the communist political philosophy and he was equally interested about Lenin’s writings and the different rapid developments taking place inside Soviet Russia.

Bijaya Banerjee’s Biplabi Bhagat Singh is the most detailed and extensively researched biography in Bengali. He served the Corporation of Calcutta but once travelled beyond Bengal in search of first hand acquaintance with those who had some memories of Bhagat Singh. His bibliography underlines his wide interest about the different varieties of sources available in the archives as well as in printed Bengali, English and Hindi languages. The biography was fairly received in the contemporary Bengali press. It had a revised edition in 2005.

Banerjee divides the biography into ten chapters with two long appendices, footnotes extended over nine pages, a bibliography and an index. The first three chapters briefly refer to the family background of Bhagat Singh while the other seven maintain a well-defined chronological sequence beginning with his birth in 1907 till end in March 1931. With the exception of the fourth chapter outlining his career till 1924, the other six virtually concentrate on the remaining six and half years of his life. The author has tried to present Bhagat Singh within a broad documentary framework and sought to maintain a formal style which one would sometimes be missing in the two earlier biographies.

The study underlines a gradual evolution in Bhagat Singh’s political philosophy as well as his serious attempt to build a definitive link among the like minded militant revolutionaries, socialists and communists. Banerjee takes notes of certain other distinctive features of Bhagat Singh’s character like firm and sincere commitment to his own political ideology and extensive reading of the different socialist and other literature. Through these initiatives he tried to keep himself politically update in his dialogue with his like- minded friends in Delhi, Aligarh, Kanpur and Kolkata for an armed offensive against the British. The biographer was not also unaware of certain political differences between Bhagat Singh and his great friend Sachindranath Sanyal.

The book also takes special care in elaborating the long history of Bhagat Singh’s Bengali connection. Besides his close political interactions with Sachindranath Sanyal, Ajoy Ghosh and Batukeswar Dutta in northern India, Banerjee pieced together fragments of information about Bhagat Singh’s brief stay during the Calcutta Congress session (1928) as well as his meetings with Trailokhyanath Chakraborty, Jatindranath Das, J.N. Banerjee and others in connection with his future plan of action in northern India. Finally, the biography refers to Bhagat Singh’s appreciation of the writings of Kazi Nazrul Islam, Rabindranath Tagore and other Bengali poets and littérateurs. Banerjee concludes that it underlines Bhagat Singh’s deep understanding of the significance of mother tongue in conveying the message of patriotism to the common people.

These biographies project Bhagat Singh in three different shades. The biographers were born in families where the message of the national politics of the pre-independence days remained an important mobilizing force and played an active role in moulding their political ideology. At least two of them felt the need of writing two separate biographies of Bhagat Singh exclusively meant for the children. Thus illustrated biographies of Bhagat Singh for the children were brought out in quick success (2003). These encouraged others to join anticipating their ready reception and marketability on the eve of the centenary celebration.

V

Finally, I would refer to two other remaining categories of sources: (i) some of the original writings of Bhagat Singh which are translated into Bengali and (ii) those essays which are brought out on Bhagat Singh in course of the last few months when the Bengalis are getting ready for celebrating the centenary.

I have so far able to trace two separate volumes dealing with Bhagat Singh’s works and both are published by the student wing of the Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI), one of the major left political parties in West Bengal. They are not one of the constituents of the Left Front Government which is presently at the helm of powers in West Bengal. The SUCI is bitterly opposed to the Communist Party of India, Marxist [hereafter CPI(M)] led administration and often conveys its political opposition through their protest marches and organized political rallies against the government. Through annual birth celebrations of Bhagat Singh, it seeks to convey the message of his fight among the Bengalis.

On the occasion of its fiftieth foundation day, a small booklet of 64 pages was published. It includes some of the letters and essays of Bhagat Singh in translation. There was also a life sketch of Bhagat Singh which was restricted to the three-fourths of a page briefly indicating some of the major events of his life. The volume also includes a long essay entitled ‘Saheed-i-Azam.’ It runs over more than 30 pages and outlines the political ideology of Bhagat Singh. He is portrayed as a revolutionary leader with a great vision. He had the strong conviction of organizing an armed revolution with the hope of setting up a socialist republic in India. The essay highlights the ceaseless resistance of Bhagat Singh against the tyrannical political authority of the British Raj. Through it the SUCI perhaps seeks to defend its strong opposition to the CPI (M) led administration in West Bengal.

With the exception of that long essay mentioned above, the whole text of the golden jubilee volume was virtually lifted out and incorporated in the Bhagat Singh Rachana Samgraha (2007). But it included a few other writings of Bhagat Singh. The volume was however edited in a very slipshod manner. In stead of separating the letters of Bhagat Singh from his essays and putting them under two separate headings, the editor of the volume failed to maintain any line of demarcation between them. On many occasions, he even rearranged some of the original paragraphs of Bhagat Singh’s writings and declined to mention the original languages from which the subsequent translations were made. But the volume has so far been reprinted seven times. Perhaps its commercial success emboldened the editor to turn a deaf ear to those errors.

Finally, regarding some of the recent essays brought out on the occasion of the birth centenary, I would refer to only one of them. Published in a little magazine Aneek, it refers to Bhagat Singh and Batukeswar Dutta’s (co-accused in the Delhi Conspiracy case) fight for the defence of certain basic rights of the political prisoners imprisoned in different British jails. The author of the essay is Sandweep Bandyopadhyay, a well-known name long associated with the different democratic movements in West Bengal. He argued that nearly seventy five years ago, these two men fought for the protection of certain basic human rights of the political prisoners inside any British jail. In those days it was used as an important political weapon against the tyranny of the British Raj. It was a political ideology virtually inconceivable in the 1930s. But Bhagat Singh fought to the last so that those who were jailed for certain specific political charges should be receiving more humanely treatment from the jail administration. These human rights have nowadays become so important in the context of growing centralization of political power in the hands of the state and its intolerance to accommodate any space to its political dissenters in independent India. Banerjee argues that even today these rights are more flouted than obeyed. Here lies the great significance of Bhagat Singh. He tried to protect some of the basic political rights of those prisoners who had suffered at the hands of the British. When such repressive and undemocratic things are often taking place in contemporary India, it underlines the need of remembering the sacrifices of Bhagat Singh in the early years of twenty first century.

VI

These Bengali sources therefore offer a plural profile of Bhagat Singh which may not be entirely unknown to you. While appreciating the relevance of Bhagat Singh’s role in the contemporary politics as well as the competition among the different political parties to appropriate his message at the local level, I would however refer to another area. It is related to my ongoing work on the History of Sikhs in eastern India. These Bengali materials underline Punjab revolutionaries’ attempt to maintain close contact with their counterparts in Bengal since the early twentieth century and the vice versa. It perhaps began with the Canal Colony Agitation (1907) and continued by the Ghadarites in the 1910s. It reached a new dimension with Bhagat Singh at its centre in the 1920s.On the other hand, the activities of Bengal revolutionaries like J.N.Mukherjea, Sachindranath Sanyal, Jatindranath Das and Batukeswar Dutta strengthened the link. At a later date the Communists and other nationalist leaders also participated in it.

With the participation of the Akalis in the nationalist politics since the early 1920s a new dimension was added to it. We witness a wider mobilization in the Sikh politics and its impact was intermittently felt in the streets of Kolkata. Contemporary British intelligence records provide detailed information about the nature of the movement as well as the social background of the participants in the city. It was generally described as a subaltern movement who were predominantly from the ranks of the guards, automobile owners, drivers, conductors and cleaners. Thus Kolkata of the 1920s was getting ready for a major confrontation between the Akalis and the government which persisted till the late 1930s. Perhaps the militant revolutionaries of both the provinces made the Akali mobilization against the colonial administration comparatively easier in Kolkata. My understanding of the Bengali sources related to the life of Bhagat Singh brought me closer to the issue.

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Bibliography:

A. Printed Sources: English

1. D.N.Gupta (Ed.), Bhagat Singh: Select Speeches & Writings, New Delhi: National Book Trust, India, 2007.

2. Gurdev Singh Deol, Shaheed Bhagat Singh: A Biography, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1969.

3. Report on Newspapers and Periodicals in Bengal, January- June 1931.

B. Printed Sources: Bengali: Journals

1. Aneek, June 2007.

2. Bharatbarsha, Baisakh 1338 B.S. (1931 April-May 1931).

3. Chhatra Samhati : Shaheed-i-Azam Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Ganadavi Printers, 2004.

4. Prabartak, Baisakh 1338 BS (1931 April-May).

5. Smaranika: 2007, Kolkata: Paschimbanga Itihas Samsad, 2007.

C. Printed Sources: Bengali: Books

1. Adhikari, Santoshkumar, Santrashbad o Bhagat Singh, Calcutta, Anandadhara Prakashan, 1984.

2. Ahmad, Muzafar, Bharater Communist Party o Amar Jiban, Kolkata: National Book Agency, 1988 (first published in 1969).

3. Bandyopadhyay, Bijaya, Biplabi Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Sahityalok, 1997.

4. Bandyopadhyay, Bijaya, Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Sahityalok, 2003.

5. Bandyopdhyay, Bijaya, Biplavi Nayak Sachindranath Sanyal, Kolkata: Sahityalok, 2004.

6. Chakrabarti, Trailokhyanath, Jele Trish Bachhar o Pak Bharater Swadhinatha Sangram , Kolkata: Maharaja Trailokhyanath Chakrabarti Smritirakhsha Committee, 1981 (first published in 1968)

7. Chatterjee, Nripendrakrishna, Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Dev Sahitya Kuthir, 1951.

8. Chatterjee, Ramannanda, Boi Bybsha o Panch Purusher Bangali Parivar, Kolkata: Dev Sahitya Kuthir, 2002.

9. Ghosh, Ajay, (Tr.), Bhagat Singh o Tar Sahakarmira, Kolkata: Sukumar Mitra, 1946.

10. Guha, Nalinikishore Guha, Bangali Biplavbad, Calcutta, A. Mukherjee & Co., 1396 BS (first published in 1923).

11. Maiti, Paragti, Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Iskra, 1997.

12. Maiti, Pragati, Amader Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Iskra, 2003.

13. Maiti, Pragati, Beer Shaheed Chadrasekhar Azad, Kolkata: Iskra, 2006.

14. Mitra, Udayan, Ek Biplabir Upakhyan, Kolkata: Karuna Prakashani, 2005.

15. Mukherjee, Manik (Ed.), Bhagat Singh Rachanasamgraha, Kolkata: Patrarekha, 2007.

16. Sahityaratna, Sushantakumar, Biral Biplavi Bhagat Singh, Kolkata: Sahityam, 2005.

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