As Covid19 has shut the world down, so to mark 23rd March an online seminar was held by Anhad India, which was participated by S Irfan Habib, Mridula Mukherjee, Aditya Mukherjee, Gauhar Raza and Chaman Lal. Documentary Inquilab was also played during the 8-hour day-long seminar and then a Twitter hour.
To mark the day and in Covid19 conditions, Bhagat Singh's seminal essay Why I am an Atheist is much relevant, so sharing it again.-
Few words about this essay posted on Marxist.org, often quoted anywhere. Though Marxist.org is rich in content in many respects, it does not observe any fact check. And even when apprised of certain errors multiple times, its organisers don't respond. Why I am an Atheist posted on this org has misleading information about the essay, it has been brought to its notice many times, it neither responds nor corrects the wrong information.
Information is given on Marxist.ofg about Why I am an Atheist is-
Written: October 5–6, 1930
Source/Translated: Converted from the original Gurmukhi (Punjabi) to Urdu/Persian script by Maqsood Saqib; translated from Urdu to English by Hasan for marxists.org, 2006; HTML/Proofread: Andy Blunden and Mike Bessler; CopyLeft: Creative Common (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org 2006.
This is totally wrong information. Bhagat Singh wrote this essay in English original and I reproduced its first print copy from Feroze Chand edited weekly The People(Lahore) issue of 27th September 1931 in scanned from Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in my 2013 book-Understanding Bhagat Singh published by Aaakar Delhi.
Recently a reviewer while reviewing my edited collection of Bhagat Singh's writings-The Bhagat Singh Reader, wrote that rather than depending on this collection, one should depend on Marxist.org for Bhagat Singh documents. Marxist.org has about 25 documents posted on its org of Bhagat Singh, but Bhagat Singh Reader has a collection of 130 writings of Bhagat Singh, apart from his Jail Notebook. It was malicious on the part of the reviewer to undermine the collection, though any reviewer has a right to criticise any book, with facts, one may interpret the contents or perception also, but not by distorting. I am posting here the original scanned copy of Why I am an Atheist here=
One of my articles was published in The Tribune today, sharing that also
Bhagat Singh martyrdom day reduced to a ritual
Tribal revolutionaries Birsa Munda, Sidhu-Kanhu and Tilka Manjhi have universities named after them. There is none that carries Bhagat Singh’s name. States mostly have universities named after their local heroes or saints. Bhagat Singh’s name was not thought of by Punjab or Left-ruled states like Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura, which own him as the icon of their youth and student organisations.
Honorary Adviser, Bhagat Singh Archives & Resource Centre, New Delhi
Every March 23, leaders of the nation pay homage to the three supreme martyrs of the freedom struggle: Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev. Eighty-nine years after their martyrdom, Bhagat Singh, who became an icon of the revolutionary movement even during his lifetime, continues to be one of the most popular icons of the nation, along with Mahatma Gandhi and, perhaps, Subhas Chandra Bose. But has the nation really honoured Bhagat Singh in the 73 years of Independence or just made it ritualistic by paying lip service to the martyred ones?
Since Bhagat Singh is the most popular youth icon, has any university been named after him? Have his thoughts and beliefs — in the form of his writings — been made part of school/college/university syllabuses? Even the youth day of the country is not named after him. Swami Vivekananda’s birth anniversary — January 12 — was declared the National Youth Day in 1984 by the Government of India. Would the Punjab Government dare to declare September 28 as the Punjab Youth Day, especially in the light of its drug-infected youth who could look towards the alternative in the inspiring vision of Bhagat Singh?
This very powerful icon of the freedom struggle does not even find a place in the gallery of portraits in the Central Hall of Parliament, where even lesser known revolutionaries, like martyr Hemu Kalani, find a place. Since Hemu Kalani was from Sindh, then Deputy PM LK Advani saw to it that his portrait is displayed in the Central Hall’s portrait gallery. Bhagat Singh’s statue has been put up along with those of Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and others outside Parliament. However, their portraits are also displayed in the gallery, but not that of Bhagat Singh. Ironically, the portrait of VD Savarkar, accused in the Mahatma Gandhi murder case, is displayed right opposite Mahatma Gandhi’s portrait!
There are scores of colleges in India and hundreds of schools and youth clubs named after Bhagat Singh not only in Punjab but also throughout India. But why not a university? The University Grants Commission (UGC) website shows a number of universities are named after freedom fighters. As on February 1 this year, the UGC has listed 935 universities in the country. These include 50 Central universities, 409 state universities and 127 deemed-to-be universities. Then there is a spurt in private universities — 349 at present — and their numbers are increasing rapidly.
A lot many universities are named after the states or cities where they were set up, like Delhi University, Calcutta University, or Panjab University, and after eminent national leaders or scholars. A perusal of only Central and state universities shows interesting data. The maximum number of public sector universities is named after BR Ambedkar — 14 in total. And exactly half — seven — are named after Mahatma Gandhi. The most vilified national leader in the present regime — Jawaharlal Nehru — also has seven named after him, whereas his daughter Indira Gandhi has six, and Indira Gandhi’s son Rajiv Gandhi has eight universities in his name! Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Sardar Patel have three each named after them.
The fast-growing name is that of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, who already has four universities in his name and may cross the mark of Gandhi and Nehru soon. Even APJ Abdul Kalam has four universities in his name, while Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the first Education Minister of India, has just one. Four universities are named after Swami Vivekananda. One pleasant surprise is that of scientist CV Raman, who has three universities in his name. Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Rabindranath Tagore have two each.
Among the revolutionaries, Birsa Munda, Sidhu-Kanhu — tribal revolutionaries — have two universities in their names. Tilka Manjhi, another tribal revolutionary, has one. Of all the well-known revolutionary icons, only one university — in Kanpur — is named after Chandra Shekhar Azad. There is none named after Bhagat Singh or any other well-known revolutionary, like Master Surya Sen.
States mostly have universities named after their local heroes or saints. Bhagat Singh’s name was not thought of either by Punjab or Left-ruled states like Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura that own Bhagat Singh as the icon of their youth and student organisations. When the Central University of Punjab (CUP) was set up in Bathinda in 2009, I wrote to the then HRD Minister, Arjun Singh, and his successor Kapil Sibal to name it after Bhagat Singh, but I received no response. Punjab MPs in Parliament should pressure the Central government to rename the Central University at Bathinda after Bhagat Singh. If the Central University of Arunachal Pradesh in Itanagar can be named after Rajiv Gandhi, why can the CUP not be named after Bhagat Singh?
Despite Bhagat Singh’s 130 writings being now fully available in many languages — Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu, English and Marathi — and in lesser numbers in many more languages, despite his serious and relevant political writings, like Religion and our freedom struggle, Communalism and its resolution, The problem of untouchability, Letter to young political workers and Why I am an atheist, no state or Central university or school board of any state has included his writings in its curricula.
The naming of the Chandigarh international airport after Shaheed Bhagat Singh is being held up indefinitely, despite the Punjab and Haryana Assemblies passing resolutions to this effect in 2009-10. On the other hand, there is a spree of naming railway stations/airports/universities in the name of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya.
Mass organisations of workers, peasants, students, youth and employees love to have Bhagat Singh’s photographs, songs and slogans as part of their mass struggle/processions, as is visible in the Shaheen Bagh dharna and other protests all over the country. Bhagat Singh’s favourite slogan Inquilab Zindabad reverberates in all Shaheen Bagh dharnas and in struggles of mass organisations. They are, thus, honouring Bhagat Singh at a non-official level.
Meanwhile, in the time of the coronavirus lockdown, when even temples, gurdwaras, masjids and churches are being closed for the public, the words of Bhagat Singh from his classic essay Why I am an Atheist come to mind: He poses the question — I ask why your omnipotent God; Why did he not kill warlords or the fury of war in them and thus avoid the catastrophe hurled down on the head of humanity by the Great War? Perhaps, he would have posed this question today: Why does he (God) not kill coronavirus, which is causing such a catastrophe in the whole world that even his places of worship are closed?
Links of Virtual seminar on face book-
So we could pay tributes to Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru on their martyrdom day, despite being locked down and whole Punjab in complete curfew, not just lockdown!
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Tuesday, 24 March 2020
23rd March -observed as Virtual seminar on Anhad India Facebook page
Sunday, 22 March 2020
Last Letter of Bhagat Singh-To Comrades-22nd March 1931 Dwarkadas Library
Last letter to
Comrades 22nd March 1931 (Originally in
Urdu)
(The last
letter Bhagat Singh wrote to his comrades on 22nd March, 1931, a day
before his execution. Some of Bhagat Singh’s comrades thought that he could
still be saved from gallows by taking him out through jail break. While
appreciating his comrades concern, Bhagat Singh underlines the significance of
his own execution for the country, which indicates to his farsightedness and
political maturity.)
Comrades!
It
is natural that the desire to live should be in me as well, I don’t want to
hide it. But I can stay alive on one condition that I don’t wish to live in
imprisonment or with any binding.
My
name has become a symbol of Hindustani revolution, and the ideals and
sacrifices of the revolutionary party have lifted me very high – so high that I
can certainly not be higher in the condition of being alive.
Today
my weaknesses are not visible to the people. If I escape the noose, they will
become evident and the symbol of revolution will be tarnished, or possibly be
obliterated. But to go to the gallows with
courage will make Hindustani mothers aspire to have children who are
like Bhagat Singh and the number of those who will sacrifice their lives for
the country will go up so much that it will not be possible for imperialistic
powers or all the demoniac powers to contain
the revolution.
And
yes, one thought occurs to me even today – that I have not been able to fulfill
even one-thousandth parts of
the aspirations that were in my heart to do something for my country and
humanity. If I could have stayed alive and free, then I may have got the
opportunity to accomplish those and I would have fulfilled my desires. Apart
from this, no temptation to escape the noose has ever come to me. Who can be more fortunate than me? These
days, I feel very proud of myself. Now I await the final test with great eagerness. I pray
that it should draw closer.
Your comrade
Bhagat
Singh
Friday, 20 March 2020
Bhagat Singh and Subhash Bose on 20th March 1931
Bhagat Singh letter on 20th March 1931-three days before his execution along with Sukhdev and Rajguru.
(The last letter to British Government in India was addressed by Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev to Punjab Governor on 20th March 1931, three days prior to their hanging, demanding that ‘being war prisoners’, they should be shot and not ‘executed’.)
To
The Punjab Governor
Sir,
The Punjab Governor
Sir,
With due respect we beg to bring to your kind notice the following:
That we were sentenced to death on 7th October 1930 by a British Court, L.C.C Tribunal, constituted under the Sp. Lahore Conspiracy Case Ordinance, promulgated by the H.E. The Viceroy, the Head of the British Government of India, and that the main charge against us was that of having waged war against H.M. King George, the King of England.
The above-mentioned finding of the Court pre-supposed two things:
Firstly, that there exists a state of war between the British Nation and the Indian Nation and, secondly, that we had actually participated in that war and were therefore war prisoners.
The second pre-supposition seems to be a little bit flattering, but nevertheless it is too tempting to resist the desire of acquiescing in it.
As regards the first, we are constrained to go into some detail. Apparently there seems to be no such war as the phrase indicates. Nevertheless, please allow us to accept the validity of the pre-supposition taking it at its face value. But in order to be correctly understood, we must explain it further. Let us declare that the state of war does exist and shall exist so long as the Indian toiling masses and the natural resources are being exploited by a handful of parasites. They may be purely British Capitalist or mixed British and Indian or even purely Indian. They may be carrying on their insidious exploitation through mixed or even on purely Indian bureaucratic apparatus. All these things make no difference. No matter, if your Government tries and succeeds in winning over the leaders of the upper strata of the Indian Society through petty concessions and compromises and thereby cause a temporary demoralization in the main body of the forces. No matter, if once again the vanguard of the Indian movement, the Revolutionary Party, finds itself deserted in the thick of the war. No matter if the leaders to whom personally we are much indebted for the sympathy and feelings they expressed for us, but nevertheless we cannot overlook the fact that they did become so callous as to ignore and not to make a mention in the peace negotiation of even the homeless, friendless and penniless of female workers who are alleged to be belonging to the vanguard and whom the leaders consider to be enemies of their utopian non-violent cult which has already become a thing of the past; the heroines who had ungrudgingly sacrificed or offered for sacrifice their husbands, brothers, and all that were nearest and dearest to them, including themselves, whom your government has declared to be outlaws. No matter, it your agents stoop so low as to fabricate baseless calumnies against their spotless characters to damage their and their party's reputation. The war shall continue.
It may assume different shapes at different times. It may become now open, now hidden, now purely agitational, now fierce life and death struggle. The choice of the course, whether bloody or comparatively peaceful, which it should adopt rests with you. Choose whichever you like. But that war shall be incessantly waged without taking into consideration the petty (illegible) and the meaningless ethical ideologies. It shall be waged ever with new vigour, greater audacity and unflinching determination till the Socialist Republic is established and the present social order is completely replaced by a new social order, based on social prosperity and thus every sort of exploitation is put an end to and the humanity is ushered into the era of genuine and permanent peace. In the very near future the final battle shall be fought and final settlement arrived at.
The days of capitalist and imperialist exploitation are numbered. The war neither began with us nor is it going to end with our lives. It is the inevitable consequence of the historic events and the existing environments. Our humble sacrifices shall be only a link in the chain that has very accurately been beautified by the unparalleled sacrifice of Mr. Das and most tragic but noblest sacrifice of Comrade Bhagawati Charan and the glorious death of our dear warrior Azad.
As to the question of our fates, please allow us to say that when you have decided to put us to death, you will certainly do it. You have got the power in your hands and the power is the greatest justification in this world. We know that the maxim "Might is right" serves as your guiding motto. The whole of our trial was just a proof of that. We wanted to point out that according to the verdict of your court we had waged war and were, therefore, war prisoners. And we claim to be treated as such, i.e., we claim to be shot dead instead of to be hanged. It rests with you to prove that you really meant what your court has said.
We request and hope that you will very kindly order the military department to send its detachment to perform our execution.
Yours,
Bhagat Singh Rajguru Sukhdev
Bhagat Singh Rajguru Sukhdev
( Excerpted from The Bhagat Singh Reader-pages-63-65)
Subhash Chander Bose wrote a tribute to Bhagat Singh later-
This is a copy of a letter written by Viceroy secretary Emerson to Mahatma Gandhi on 20th March-about Subhash Chander Bose holding a protest rally in Delhi to protest against the execution of Bhagat Singh.
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