Bhagat Singh Study

Periyar on Bhagat Singh

2011-09-27T17:46:00.000-07:00

The Dravidar Kazhagam founder ‘Periyar' E.V. Ramasamy (EVR), who admired Bhagat Singh's political views, felt the manner in which he implemented his plans was erroneous and drew on his sacrifice to oppose Mahatma Gandhi.

He wrote an editorial hailing the sacrifice of Bhagat Singh in his journal, Kudiarasu , of March 29, 1931, saying he gave his life for the noble cause of showing to India, nay to the world, the real equality and peace.

Historian Chaman Lal, who has compiled rare documents on Bhagat Singh, found the editorial written by Periyar in Kudiarasu . At his request, an English translation was done and published in the Rationalist .

EVR wrote:“The day when Gandhi said God alone guides him, that Varnashramadharma is superior system fit to govern the affairs of the world and that everything happening according to God's will, we came to the conclusion that there is no difference between Gandhism and Brahminism. We also concluded unless the Congress party that subscribes to such philosophy and principle is abolished it will not be good to the country. But now this fact has been found out at least by some of the people. They have gained wisdom and courage to call for the downfall of Gandhism. This is a great victory to our cause.

“If Bhagat Singh had not died by hanging, there would not have been any chance for this victory to take place in a popular manner. We even venture to say that Gandhism would have gained more ground if he had not been hanged. Bhagat Singh had not fallen sick, suffered and died as it normally happens with people. He gave his life for the noble cause of showing to India, nay to the world, the path of equality and peace. We applaud and sing of his martyrdom from the depth of our heart. At the same time we request those in our government to find out and hang four true persons like Bhagat Singh in each of the provinces.”

Known for his forthright expression of views, EVR said he was sad because he could not get the rare chance, which, he said, had delivered Bhagat Singh from the agony of watching the activities of the “idiots and fools who selfishly seek their honour.”

EVR reiterated that he was in full agreement with Bhagat Singh's ideas, but felt “he had erred a little in choosing the means to translate his principles into practice.”

“The issue is whether a man has done his duty or not. The issue is not whether the action has borne fruit. Yet we agree that we should do our duty, taking into account the time and place of the action. We are sure time, place and the general trend not hostile to the principle upheld by Bhagat Singh. Though it occurs to our mind that he has erred a little in choosing the means to translate his principle into practice. We will never at anytime be emboldened to say that his principle is flawed one,” he argued, saying “we would not have called him an honest man if he had not conducted himself only in the way he had found just.”

Periyar also recalled Bhagat Singh's letter to the Punjab Governor to reiterate his support for the ideas of socialism and atheism.

Prof. Lal also obtained Bhagat Singh's article ‘Why I am an atheist' in Tamil translated by P. Jeevanandam, which was published by Periyar in Kudiarasuin 1935.

According to Prof. Lal, at one time after Partition, the English copy of this essay was not found anywhere. It was then retranslated from Tamil to English, and some websites still carry the retranslated English version of this essay. But the original publication was found and it is now preserved in the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi in microfilm form.

Jeevanandam was then working together with the DK leader in the Self-Respect movement. The British government arrested both Jeevanandam and E.V.Krishnasamy, publisher and EVR's brother. They were released after the two tendered an apology at the behest of Periyar.

Later, EVR himself wrote an article in Kudiarasu , explaining that it was he who forced them to submit an apology and they could not be faulted for their action.

Dravidar Kazhagam general secretary Kali Poonguntran said the incident created a wedge between Periyar and Jeevanandam, who quit the Self Respect Movement to join the Congress.

Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam president Kolathur Mani, who was instrumental in re-publishing Kudiarasu , said EVR's aversion to the Congress was no secret as he regarded the party and its leader Gandhi as proponents of Varnashrama dharma.

EVR reiterated that he was in full agreement with Bhagat Singh's ideas, but felt ‘he had erred a little in choosing the means to translate his principles into practice.'

http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/article2380792.ece

Revisiting Bhagat Singh in Pakistan!

2011-09-23T18:01:00.001-07:00

http://www.facebook.com/l.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Ftribune.com.pk%2Fstory%2F167327%2Frevisiting-bhagat-singh%2F&h=mAQB4aE1X

Play on Bhagat Singh in Pakistan

2011-09-23T17:58:00.001-07:00

http://www.facebook.com/l.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.dawn.com%2F2011%2F05%2F29%2Ftheatrics-in-death-is-life.html&h=GAQDpFZwK

Bhagat Singh playmate passes away in Faislabad

2011-09-23T17:57:00.000-07:00

Abdul Haque, a childhood playmate of Bhagat Singh in Chak no. 105,distt.Lyallpur,now Faislabad in Pakistan passed away last week.He was nearly 105 years old.Shehzad Aalm of Sanjhey Lok phoned today and gave this sad news.I was looking for his photograph,which he promised to send.He told that a video has already been made on him and I hope that shall also be available in some time. Last year Shehzad sent me photographs of Primary school of Bhagat Singh, also photographs of his birth house,which I also clicked in April 2007.Shehzad told about one Mai of nearby village,where Bhagat Singh used to take shelter in his underground days,about which no body talked about earlier.Mai also has passed away,I have requested the photographs of that house and also pictures of that family. Some photographs sent by Shehzad last year,now attached above-Primary school of Chak no.105,where Bhagat Singh studied and Beri in his birth house.

Bhagat Singh story in Friday Times Pakistan

2011-09-23T17:55:00.001-07:00

http://www.facebook.com/l.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.thefridaytimes.com%2Fbeta2%2Ftft%2Farticle.php%3Fissue%3D20110624%26page%3Dhttp://www.facebook.com/l.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.thefridaytimes.com%2Fbeta2%2Ftft%2Farticle.php%3Fissue%3D20110624%26page%3D22&h=rAQBUsQZD22&h=rAQBUsQZD

Letters written by Bhagat Singh to British authorities- Chaman Lal

2011-08-14T18:08:00.000-07:00

The letters show the amazing command Bhagat Singh had over the English language, his knowledge of legal terminology and his beautiful handwriting.

Bhagat Singh Jail Documents

-Supreme Court-1

The Superintendent

(Special Duty)

C.I.D. (Political Branch)

Lahore

Dear Sir,

I will feel much obliged if you will kindly allow me to have an interview with my father, as I have got some very important instructions to give him for my defence counsel in connection with the Delhi case.

I hope you will not disallow it on the ground that I have already had an interview, because the matter is very urgent.

Hoping to be favoured

Yours Etc.

Sd/ Bhagat Singh

Noting in Urdu by officials dated 31/5/29

Stamp in English on upper left corner of the letter — admitted in evidence and added to Special Tribunal Lahore Conspiracy case.

Sd/ Judge

Special Tribunal, date not mentioned.

Jail Document-2

In the Court of the special magistrate, Lahore

Crown VS. Sukhdev & Others

Charged under section 121N 302+120 B.

This humble petition of the accused Bhagat Singh most humbly shweth (states) —

1. That the petitioner is going unrepresented in the case.

2. That evidence has been produced in this court entangling the petitioner in the murders of Mr. Saunders and Sardar Chanan Singh,

3. That the petitioner may be able to effectively cross-examine the witnesses, that (as in Bhagat Singh's own handwrit-____

ing) it is necessary that the petitioner may be given an opportunity to visit the spot and see the roads and other surroundings in connection with the alleged incident.

4. That the petitioner therefore prays that proper facilities to be afforded him for the said Purpose and that the production of further witnesses regarding the particular incident may be postponed till the petitioner has been able to examine the locality.

D/4th Nov.29

Sd./ Bhagat Singh

Petitioner

(Letters written by Bhagat Singh in his own hand, have been tried to be kept as close to the original as possible.)

Jail Document-3

The Registrar,

The Special Tribunal

Lahore Conspiracy case

Lahore

Sir,

Kindly supply me with an attested copy of the order of the special magistrate, dated 3rd May 1930, according to which the inquiry proceedings in that court were stayed.

Thanking you in anticipation

Yours etc.

D/19th June 1930

Sd./Bhagat Singh

Undertrial

Lahore conspiracy case

Lahore

To,

The Registrar,

Special Tribunal, Poonch House, Lahore

Through

The Superintendent,

Central jail, Lahore

Noting — No.7 by D/20th June 1930

Forwarded to the Registrar, Special Tribunal Poonch House Lahore, for favour of necessary action as he deem fit.

Signatures etc. Sd./ Major Ims, Superintendent, Central Jail, Lahore

Jail Document-4

In the court of the Special Tribunal, Lahore Conspiracy Case, Lahore

Constituted under the Lahore C.C. Special ordinance

Crown VS. Bhagat Singh &Others

Charged under sections121, 121A, 302, 120B etc.

Most Respectfully Shweth:-

1. That the petitioner is an accused in the above case.

2. That he is not attending the court, due to the account given in a previous letter, submitted by him before this court.

3. That he went on hunger strike in protest against certain Rules and regulations of jail department and that the hunger strike had nothing to do with the trial whatsoever.

4. That according to the provisions of the special ordinance, accused still have the right to be represented by a counsel if so desired.

5. That the case is entering a new stage i.e. the prosecution evidence is going to be closed and the accused shall be called upon to produce defence or to make statements if desired.

6. That at this delicate moment the petitioner wants the help of his relatives and legal advisers.

7. That all the interviews with relatives and legal advisers have been stopped by the jail authorities due to the so called breach of jail discipline caused by his hunger strike.

8. That the purely executive affair is hampering the cause of justice.

9. That it is prayed in the interests of justice and fair play that the court be pleased to issue orders to the jail authorities to allow him all these interviews which are very essential for defence purposes.

D/11/8/30

Sd./ Bhagat Singh

Convict-Undertrial

Central Jail, Lahore

No. 488-p D/ 11.8.30

Forwarded to the Registrar, Hon'ble Special Tribunal Lahore Conspiracy case, Lahore for favour of disposal.

Lahore / 11.8.30 Sd./ Supdt. Central Jail, Lahore

Jail Document-5

In the Hon'ble High Court of Judicature (Punjab) Lahore

Charged under sections 302, 121, 121A etc. of I.P.C

Most respectfully Shweth:-

1. That the petitioner is an accused in the Lahore Conspiracy Case, being tried by the Special Tribunal constituted under the Lahore Conspiracy Ordinance.

2. That the petitioner and his co-accused refused to attend the court in protest of certain order passed and treatment meted out to the accused.

3. That the petitioner went on hunger strike on July 28th'30 in protest against certain regulations of the jail department.

4. That the trial is entering in new stage i.e. the Prosecution evidence is about to be closed and the petitioner is to be called upon to make his statement and to offer any defence if desired.

5. That the jail authorities have altogether stopped all the interviews of the petitioner with his relatives and legal advisers.

6. That the purely executive affair is hampering the cause of justice and these orders of the executive are highly illegal.

7. That the petitioner wants the help of his relatives and legal advisers in deciding the most delicate questions of defence.

8. That there is a special provision in the Lahore Conspiracy case Ordinance to the effect that if any accused voluntarily disables himself by hunger strike or otherwise or resists his production before the court, he [will] still have the right to be represented by counsel in his absence.

9. That in the present circumstances, the accused feels quite handicapped due to the above mentioned order of the jail authorities.

10. That it is prayed that in the interest of justice and fair play, the court be pleased to issue such instructions to the authorities concerned as would be necessary to give full and proper facilities for arranging defence adequately in a case where the petitioner is being tried for such serious offences as may bring extreme penalty of law.

11. That it is prayed that the court be pleased to issue urgent orders for allowing interviews etc. at the earliest convenience.

D/11/8/30

Sd./ Bhagat Singh

Convict-undertrial

Lahore Conspiracy case

Lahore

Through The Suptdt. Central Jail, Lahore,

Central Jail, Lahore

No. 127-Sd./11/8/30

Forwarded to the Registrar of the High Court of Judicature for favour of disposal

Sd./

Jail Document-6

In the Hon'ble High Court of Judicature (Punjab) Lahore

Crown VS. Bhagat Singh & Others

(Lahore Conspiracy case)

Charged under sections 302, 121, 121A etc. of I.P.C.

Most respectfully Shweth:-- 1. That the petitioner submitted a petition on 11th August 1930 to this learned court through the Supdt. Central jail, Lahore, praying the court to intervene in the matter of interviews essential for defence purposes, with concerned relatives and legal advisers, which have been stopped due to his resorting to hunger strike as a protest against certain jail rules.

2. That a full week has elapsed since and no orders have been received by the petitioner.

3. That the defence is being unnecessarily handicapped and he is suffering simply due to [the] high handedness of the executive authorities.

4. That it is prayed that immediate orders be passed to this effect and the petitioner be informed of that.

D/16/8/30

Jail Document-7

The Special Commissioners

Lahore Conspiracy case Tribunal, Lahore

Sir,

I have just been informed by the jail authorities that the learned court was pleased to pass orders on my application dated 11th Aug.'30, to the effect that interviews with legal adviser alone may be allowed. I was at a loss to understand the reason of such an order. Why should I not be allowed to see my relatives, when the said interviews are very essential for defence purposes? If the order is meant simply to make a show that the accused are given proper facilities regarding their defence, though in reality nothing of the sort is done, on the contrary the defence is hampered at every step, then all my petitions and representations are useless.

My legal adviser, L. Duni Chand Bar-at-Law is in jail. I want to engage a new one, which I cannot do without the help and advice of my father. Therefore the interview is very essential. I have to consult my father about offering the defence. I want to ascertain how far he can help me in this respect. If interviews will not be allowed, the court and jail authorities shall stand responsible for the serious consequences that I might have to bear for this high-handedness.

With no stretch of imagination can I understand as to why should the court of law join hands with the executive in such matters as are immediately concerned with the administration of justice and be a party to the unnecessary harassment of the accused.

I most earnestly request the court to reconsider their order passed on my said application and to issue instructions to the jail authorities to allow my interviews so long as the trial is going on. They shall have time enough to treat us as they like after conviction.

Hoping to be forwarded with an early decision.

Yours etc.

D/18th Aug.'30

Sd./Bhagat Singh

Convict-Undertrial

Jail Document-8

In the Court of the Special Tribunal,

Lahore conspiracy Case Lahore

Crown VS. Sukhdev & Others

Charged Under sections 121, 121 A, 302 & 120 B

Most Respectfully Shweth:-

1. That the petitioner has today on 22nd Aug.' 30 been supplied with the copies of the orders of the learned court bearing the dates 11th August and 22nd August '30.

2. That in spite of the order of 11th August, no interview has so far been allowed to him.

3. That it is impossible for the petitioner to represent his case personally before the court on 25th August due to the weakness caused by hunger strike.

4. That unless and until he is allowed to see his relatives he is not in a position to engage any counsel.

5. That unless and until he is allowed to consult his co-accused he cannot decide about other matters concerning the defence.

6. That it is for the court to see that their orders are carried into effect properly.

7. That it is prayed that the court be pleased to issue immediate orders to the jail authorities to allow these interviews without any further delay.

D/22nd Aug'30

Sd/Bhagat Singh

Central Jail, Lahore

This application was handed over to me by Bhagat Singh at the Central Jail on the 22nd August 1930.

Sd/ Fatebuhan Reg(Not Clear)

(Spellings of the words are as written by Bhagat Singh in his own handwriting.)

Jail Document-9

In the Court of the Special Tribunal

Lahore Conspiracy Case, Lahore

Crown VS. Sukhdev & Others

Charged under sections 302, 120B, 121, 121A etc. of I.P.C.

Most Respectfully Shweth:- 1. That the petitioner has just been furnished with a copy of the learned court regarding the close [of] the prosecution evidence.

2. That since the accused-petitioner has not been given any opportunity to interview the relatives and particularly his father, who is the only person interested in his defence, he is not in a position to engage any counsel or legal adviser, and without whose help he cannot decide anything regarding such a delicate matter as the defence.

3. That it is prayed that the court be pleased to see if it is proper in these circumstances to deprive a man of all facilities of defence; and to do whatever is thought proper to meet the ends of justice.

D/26/8/30

Sd./ Bhagat Singh

Petitioner

Central Jail, Lahore

Seen by all the members of Tribunal. Placed on record.

Sd. / … d. 27/8/30

Jail Document-10

In the court of the Special Tribunal

Lahore Conspiracy case, Lahore

Crown VS. Sukhdev & others

Charged under sections 121, 121A, 302, 120B etc.

Most Respectfully Shweth:-

1. That yesterday on 29th August'30 the petitioner was informed by the jail authorities that orders have been received from the local govt. to allow him interviews with the legal advisers, relatives and co-accused for discussing and deciding finally about our defence in this case on 29th, 30th and 31st August '30.

2. That father of the petitioner who is at Ludhiana standing his own trial, has been sent for and is expected today.

3. That the petitioner shall have an interview with his co-accused tomorrow viz 31st August'30.

4. That in the present circumstances, the petitioner shall be able to decide about his defence and will inform the court about the same on Monday i.e. 1st September 1930.

5. That it is therefore prayed that the learned court be pleased to postpone the passing of any final orders on the question of defence till Monday when the petitioner shall be in a position to inform the court of his final decision regarding the same.

D/30th Aug: 30

Sd./Bhagat Singh

Petitioner

No. 182-c D/ 30.8.30

Forwarded to the Registrar to the court of Special Tribunal Lahore Conspiracy case Lahore for favour of disposal.

Lahore Central Jail Sd./30.8.30 Supdt./ Central Jail

Jail Document-11

In the Court of the Special Magistrate, Lahore

Crown Versus Sukhdev Etc.

It is submitted as follows:-

That on 21st [October, 1929] instant, an unhappy incident occurred in the court. While an approver named Jai Gopal was giving his evidence standing in the dock, he adopted such a provocative posture that apart from twisting his moustaches, he addressed the accused, Janab ye Sab ap ke kartut Hai Sachchi Sachi Baten keh raha hun [Sirs, these are all your misdeeds, telling the true incidents!]. In these most provocative circumstances the youngest of all the accused, Prem Dutt [who was just 18 years at that time, born in 1911], got excited and threw a slipper at the approver. All the accused disapproved of his act and disassociated themselves from it. They wanted to make a statement in connection with that affair. But their statement was not recorded. They then submitted a joint statement. In spite of their statement to that effect, orders were passed against all the accused and all were subjected to undergo humiliation for the fault of one person, which was against the principle of Justice.

Comrade Bijoy Kumar Sinha has already submitted a statement about what happened in the Borstal Jail on 22nd instant. On the 23rd Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt were brought to the gate of the court by the Jail authorities. But the notice wanted to handcuff them on both hands which they refused. Then a large number of policemen and a few sub-inspectors and inspector pounced upon them. A few sat on their bodies and others xxxxx (word cancelled after writing) continued violently kicking and beating. These blows were dealt mercilessly on their heads and chests. Then both of them were dragged to court-room.

They asked if the police officials were acting under his orders and if he would ask for explanation from their officials for such brutal and illegal conduct. But no attention was paid to these ...

The second page of this statement is not found in the Supreme Court digital records. Many of the accused, including Bijoy Kumar Sinha and Kanwalnath Tiwari, submitted written statements on police brutalities after this incident to the court, some of which were not recorded faithfully and were distorted by court officials. This statement also seems to be part of the same records, which was probably submitted on behalf of Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt. Most of the jail statements were drafted by Bhagat Singh.

Jail Document-12

In the court of the Special Magistrate, Lahore

Crown VS. Sukhdev & Others

Charged under sections 120B+302, 121A

The petitioners respectfully submit the following:-

1. That majority of the petitioners have been in confinement for the last nine months in the above case and the rest have been so confined for terms varying from two to six months, and the case will yet take a very long time.

2. That the charges against the petitioners are of a very serious nature.

3. That the petitioners are being deprived of the fundamental right of being defended by a counsel as they are not permitted to see their attorneys and friends, a matter which the learned court has delegated to the jail authorities who have refused to allow their interview with their attorneys and friends.

4. That although the police and other officials are permitted to come freely into the courtroom, the petitioners friends are not even permitted to enter the court room.

5. That the dock in which the petitioners are kept in the course of the inquiry is always surrounded by police and jail officials and even those petitioners who are represented by counsel feel handicapped in communicating with and giving full instructions to them.

6. That an unprecedented practice of keeping an assistant jailor and some jail officials present always around the dock is being daily pursued.

7. That the petitioners have been deprived of the right of having access to newspapers which they need very badly in connection with the defence.

8. That they are being persecuted and punished by the jail authorities for matters which have occurred in the court.

9. That the petitioners are unable to take legal steps in respect of the illegal punishment inflicted on them and the illegal treatment meted out to them by the jail authorities.

10. That definite complaints filed by some of the petitioners in respect of the ill treatment and assault by the police officials have not been attended to by the authorities and while in custody the petitioners are unable to prosecute them …

Here ends the first page of the petition. The second and likely final page is not in the digital records of the Supreme Court. The second page may have just one or two more submissions and comments of the jail authorities, if at all, if they had forwarded the petition. The petition could be dated Jan.-Feb. 1930, when trial was in progress and when many unpleasant incidents took place in the course of the trial by Special Magistrate Rai Saheb Pandit Sri Kishan.

(Documents compiled by Chaman Lal.)

Keywords: Bhagat Singh, Indian Independence Struggle, Bhagat Singh letters

Rare documents on Bhagat Singh's trial and life in jail- Chaman Lal

2011-08-14T18:02:00.000-07:00

Fantastic. I was waiting for the publication of this material since months and 'The Hindu' did it on most appropriate day-15th August.I am overwhelmed and consider this to be my best contribution till now in my search for real Bhagat Singh!

Bhagat Singh executed illegally-Tribune report-15-8-2011

2011-08-14T17:09:00.000-07:00

Bhagat Singh executed illegally: Researcher
R Sedhuraman
Legal Correspondent

New Delhi, August 14
At a time when India is celebrating its Independence Day, a research paper has shown that the much-acclaimed freedom fighter Shaheed Bhagat Singh was illegally detained, tried and executed.
Bhagat Singh, along with Shivram Rajguru and Sukhdev, was sentenced to death on July 2, 1930, after a trial held by a special tribunal under ordinance No. 3 of 1930 issued by the then Governor General of India. They had been charged with the murder of Assistant Superintendent of Police JP Saunders.
The trial was a departure from the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) and the Indian Penal Code (IPC) under which it should have been conducted by a sessions court and not by a special tribunal, claims the research paper brought out by Dr Nafis Ahmad Siddiqui, an advocate at the Supreme Court.
Another lacuna was the fact that the special tribunal conducted the proceedings without the accused being present at the trial and passed the death sentence ex parte. Further, the tribunal had issued the warrant of execution of the death sentence without any confirmation from the Lahore High Court.
The execution could not be held on October 27, 1930, as scheduled as the then Punjab Government had suspended it after the convicts had sought the Privy Council’s permission for challenging the sentence. In view of this, the warrant expired, rendering even the continued detention of Bhagat Singh and others illegal, Siddiqui contends.
One Chint Ram Thapur filed a criminal miscellaneous petition (No. 36 of 1931) in the Lahore HC seeking the release of Bhagat Singh and others in the light of the expiry of the warrant. Even the special tribunal had ceased to exist and the jail authorities were not in a position to execute the death sentence in the absence of a fresh warrant. Any fresh warrant could have been issued only by the tribunal, but it was no longer in existence, the petition had contended.
Though the HC dismissed the petition, it observed that the warrant of execution must have been legally issued. Following this, another “illegality” was committed by the Governor of Punjab by approaching the Lahore HC for the issue of a fresh warrant. The HC issued a warrant for the execution of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev which was carried out on March 23, 1931.
This warrant issued by the HC Registrar was “illegal and without authority and without jurisdiction” and as such the execution of Bhagat Singh and others “was not in accordance with the law and it was a clear case of judicial murder,” says the research paper.
The British Government should tender an unconditional apology and pay adequate compensation to the family members of Bhagat Singh and others, the researcher concluded.

Violations of law

Trial conducted by special tribunal violating CrPC and IPC

Accused absent at trial; sentence passed ex parte

Warrant of execution of death sentence issued without confirmation from Lahore High Court

HC, beyond its jurisdiction, issued fresh warrant after the previous one had expired and the tribunal had been disbanded

From Swaraj to Poorna Swaraj

2011-06-06T10:21:00.000-07:00

From Swaraj to Poorna Swaraj
The indomitable courage and sacrifice of Bhagat Singh and his comrades will continue to inspire people
by Chaman Lal

EXEMPLARY ROLE MODELS: (from L to R) Bhagat Singh, Chandrasekhar Azad, Bejoy Sinha, Shiv Verma and Surendra Pandey. Illustrations: Sandeep Joshi

ON November 17, 1928, Lala Lajpat Rai, the tallest leader of the freedom movement from Punjab, died due to the blows given by D.S.P Saunders at the order given by S.P. Lahore Scott on October 30, when he was leading a massive protest march of people against the Simon Commission. Lala ji declared in his now famous speech the same evening: “Every blow on my body will prove to be the last kneel in the coffin of British rule in India.”
On November 29, 1928, in a memorial meeting held in Calcutta to mourn the death of Lala Lajpat Rai, Basanti Devi, widow of radical nationalist C.R. Dass, in anguish put a question to Indian youths: “I quake with shame and disgrace. Do the youth and manhood of the country still exist? Does it feel the shame and disgrace of it? A woman of the land demands a clear answer to it.” (Quoted in Kamlesh Mohan’s book, Militant Nationalism in India).
C.R. Dass and Basanti Devi were known for their soft corner for the revolutionaries in Bengal and the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) formed two months ago at Delhi’s Ferozeshah Kotla ground. Led by Bhagat Singh, the latter could not ignore the call given by Basanti Devi. Though HSRA had decided to go in for mass movements and renounce violent methods like killing of officials etc., they could not let the British colonial regime get away with killing the tallest leader with whom revolutionaries had many differences.
Consequently, on December 17, 1928, a month after Lala ji’s death, D.S.P. Saunders was lying in front of the Lahore SSP’s office in the same place, shot dead by revolutionaries. Jai Gopal gave the indication and Rajguru did not even wink in shooting him down from his motorcycle. Bhagat Singh realised in seconds that he was not the targeted man — J.A. Scott — and he promptly told this to Chandershekhar Azad overseeing the operation. But once Rajguru shot him, Bhagat Singh saw to it that he did not survive and further shot him.

Azad’s warning

The other British constables ran away, but Chanan Singh did not stop following the revolutionaries despite Chandershekhar Azad’s explicit warning to him not to do so as they were fighting for Indian freedom. Chanan Singh bore the bullet of Azad to die with the oppressive British officer.
How Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, Jai Gopal etc. escaped is a known story now. However, what is little known is the role of Bhagat Singh’s young comrades. They were Pt. Kishori Lal (born in 1909) and Prem Dutt Verma (born on September 19, 1911). Verma was not even 18 years of age when he was arrested in May 1929.
After the arrest of Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt on April 8, 1929 in Delhi, and of other revolutionaries like Sukhdev on April 15, the link of revolutionaries led by Bhagat Singh in the murder of Saunders came to be known to the Punjab police. Soon other arrests followed and most of them were students of various colleges. An FIR was filed against 25 people in the court of Rai Sahib Pt. Sri Kishan, Special Magistrate appointed to conduct the Lahore conspiracy case.
While the police produced 16 of the accused in the court on July 10, 1929, accused from 17th to 25th in the list were declared absconders. These include Chandershekhar Azad (never arrested and martyred on February 27, 1931 in Alfred Park, Allahabad), Bejoy Kumar Sinha (arrested later), Kailashpati Raghunath alias Rajguru (arrested later), Bhagwaticharan Vohra (never arrested and martyred on May 28, 1930 while experimenting with a bomb at Ravi bank, Lahore), Kundan Lal (arrested last), Yashpal (noted Hindi writer (arrested in 1932 and charged with different cases), Satgurudyal (not arrested).
Under the Indian Penal Code, they were accused of, among other things, trying to establish a “Federated Republican Government”. Prem Dutt’s name figured in No. 5 of the accused list as Prem Dutt alias Master alias Amrit lal, son of Ram Dutt Khatri of Gujarat. Kishori Lal Rattan, son of Raghubar Dutt of Hoshiarpur district, was No.3 after Sukhdev and Agya Ram. The case was known as ‘Sukhdev vs Crown’.
Exhibits in four bound and typed volumes in English of the Lahore conspiracy case, were gifted to the Punjab and Haryana High Court, Chandigarh, in 2006 by Rana Bhagwan Das, the then Acting Chief Justice of Pakistan Supreme Court. Though he and his family were insulted at Wagha border by insensitive Indian officials and sent back without allowing entry, he came later. Of the 600 plus exhibits of the case, Advocate and Prof. Malwinderjit Singh Waraich had presented 63 exhibits in a large volume. Section 12 of this volume deals with Recovery from Prem Dutt, Section 29 deals with Statement of Prem Dutt and Section 51 deals with Prem Dutt Letters/other records.
Accused Jai Gopal became approver. Agya Ram, Surindernath Pandey and B.K. Dutt (already serving life imprisonment in the Delhi Bomb case) were discharged from the list on July 10, 1930. The remaining 15 accused were proceeded against. Apart from Jai Gopal named in the original FIR, Phonindernath Ghosh, Manmohan Bannerjee, Lalit Kumar Mukerji and Hansraj Vohra became approvers of the case and got pardon in reward.
An incident relating to Prem Dutt Verma during the trial proceedings is worth revisiting. It has been narrated by many authors, but the first-hand account of Bejoy Kumar Sinha, himself an accused and victim, is touching and revealing. To paraphrase him from the book, Bejoy Kumar Sinha: A Revolutionary’s Quest for Sacrifice by his widow Srirajyam Sinha, published by Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan in 1993, the book presents many unpublished memoirs of B.K. Sinha through his papers, on October 21, 1929, in the court of Pt. Sri Kishan, approver Jai Gopal while tendering his evidence from witness box, was twisting his moustache and trying to provoke the accused in the other box.
According to Sinha, “Prem Dutt, the youngest of all, got excited and upset and in the heat of a moment threw a sleeper at the approver. Immediately, the rest of the accused hastened to express regret at his conduct and dissociated themselves from the act.” (Page 44). Despite their regret, in the following days all revolutionaries were treated in a most brutal fashion. On October 22, they were all handcuffed and after lunch, when they resisted, in B.K.Sinha’s words, “the police was hell bent on teaching the accused the lesson of their life”. A special Pathan force was requisitioned and they were beaten mercilessly.
Bhagat Singh was singled out for this. Eight ferocious Pathans pounced upon him and with their regulation boots kicked him viciously and beat him with lathis ruthlessly. Mr Roberts, an European officer, pointed out at Sardar Bhagat Singh and said “this is the man, give him more beating”. They were dragged on the ground and carried like logs of wood and thrown on the benches. All this happened in the presence of the visitors of court compound.
The magistrate too was watching all this apparently thinking that he had no jurisdiction as he was not presiding over the court. Sheo Verma and Ajoy Kumar Ghosh became unconscious. Bhagat Singh then raised his voice and told the court, “I want to congratulate you on this. Sheo Verma is lying unconscious and if he dies you will be responsible for this.” (page 45). According to B.K. Sinha, that was not the end of the day, as Bhagat Singh was attacked in the jail ward the same evening again and thrashed. A.G. Noorani, in his book, The Trial of Bhagat Singh, reports on the same event with Prem Dutt speaking to the court the same day: “Yesterday fingers were thrown into our rectum and kicks were given on our testicles. Is it civilisation? You call it civilisation?
The same situation was repeated on May 12, 1930, when after disbanding of Pt Sri Kishan Special Magistrate court, a Special Tribunal of three judges was proclaimed through an ordinance by Lord Irwin on May 1, 1930. On May 12, during the court appearance, “Bhagat Singh started singing”, according to B.K. Sinha, “in his melodious voice” — Watan ki aabroo ka pas dekhen kaun kehta hai/suna hai aaj maktal mein hamara imtihan hoga (Let us see who cares for the dignity of the nation/ It is heard today we will be tried in a massacre house).
And it literally happened. Justice Coldstream, President of the Special Tribunal, ordered them to be silenced and the police in large numbers in the running court pounced upon them despite Bhagat Singh protesting that there was no occasion for that. Scuffle, beating, singing, slogan shouting all continued and Prem Dutt, Kundan Lal and Ajoy Ghosh became unconscious. Justice Agha Haider could not bear and covered his face with a newspaper and dissociated himself from the brutal order. In his book, A.G. Noorani wrote that Bhagat Singh, while addressing the Tribunal, said: “You are cowards and mercenaries.”
In May 1929, at Prem Dutt Verma’s house at Mohalla Qila Shumali, Gujrat city of Punjab was searched and on May 7, 1929, 24 books and magazines including copies of Urdu and Panjabi Kirti, books on Mahatma Gandhi, Guru Gobind Singh, Sachindernath Sanyal’s Bandi Jivan, Tolstoy’s Essays and Letters, Tales from Shakespeare, Poems and Plays of Goldsmith, etc were recovered.
Another search mentions the recovery of nearly 30 more books such as the Sedition Committee Report, popularly known as the Rowlett Report of 1918, The Seven that were Hanged, Resurrection by Tolstoy, a portrait of Kartar Singh Sarabha and a portrait of Kakori martyr Thakur Roshan Singh. Recoveries were made till May 12, 1929 and Prem Dutt was mentioned as the grandson of Mrs Vidyawati, widow of Thakur Dass, caste Vig Khatri...
In section Prem Dutt letters/Other records, his letter of May 16, 1929, is reproduced twice, which seems to be written in coded language. In this letter to a friend referred as S.S. Prem Dutt enquires about the fruit garden, contracts of wine, charas and bhang and also about fireworks (ammunition), also about license for potash, sulphur, etc. It seems to be relating to the bomb making code.
Prem Dutt’s statement exhibited as “confession” was recorded by Magistrate Mushtaq Ahmad on May 17, 1929. A 15-page printed statement, it refers to his passing the entrance examination. In 1927, at the age of 16, he joined the DAV College in Lahore. Prem Dutt refers to reading of revolutionary literature along with Kishori Lal and Pran Nath, like the Sedition Committee Report, Dan Brien’s My Fight for Irish Freedom, Anand Math (Bankim Chatterji), proscribed books like Chingarian and America Ne Swadhinta Kaise Prapat Ki (How America won its freedom).

Saunders’ murder

He refers to Kishori Lal having a library of such books. He further refers to Bertrand Russell’s book, Roads to Freedom. Prem Dutt refers to his meeting with Bhagat Singh, who was known as Ranjit in the group (his other fictitious name was Balwant). This was after the murder of Saunders. An interesting part of this meeting was that according to Prem Dutt, Bhagat Singh and Kishori Lal went to see Tolstoy’s novel-based film of the same title, Resurrection in Lahore’s Excelsior theatre. Prem Dutt mentions about his handing over Bhagat Singh’s shoes to the police.
Prem Dutt Verma or Vig was sentenced to five years imprisonment in the case. After his release, he probably resumed his studies and went up to become Professor of History in Panjab University, Chandigarh. But the strange part of his story is that despite being in academics, not much of his writings on the subject or memoirs are known. After retirement he went to the US where he hopefully lives. No information could be gathered from the Department of History, Panjab University.
Hope some of his family members or friends will bring Prem Dutt’s life to focus. Many co-students/co-workers of Bhagat Singh like Durga Das Khanna, A.C. Bali etc. joined The Tribune or other media organisations and some of them have their memoirs of those days published. The saga of Bhagat Singh continues to fascinate and is impregnated with many more stories.n
The writer is Editor, Bhagat Singh’s Documents, (in Hindi published by the Publications Division, Government of India) and of Jail Notebook and Other Writings of Bhagat Singh (in English). A Professor of Centre of Indian Languages, JNU, New Delhi, he is currently Visiting Professor, University of West Indies, Trinidad & Tobago

ਟ੍ਰਿਨੀਡਾਡ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ ’ਚ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੂੰ ਸਮਰਪਿਤ ਸਮਾਗਮ

2011-04-10T15:10:00.000-07:00

http://punjabitribuneonline.com/2011/04/%E0%A8%9F%E0%A9%8D%E0%A8%B0%E0%A8%BF%E0%A8%A8%E0%A9%80%E0%A8%A1%E0%A8%BE%E0%A8%A1-%E0%A8%AF%E0%A9%82%E0%A8%A8%E0%A9%80%E0%A8%B5%E0%A8%B0%E0%A8%B8%E0%A8%BF%E0%A8%9F%E0%A9%80-%E2%80%99%E0%A8%9A/
ਸ਼ਹੀਦ-ਏ-ਆਜ਼ਮ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ 80ਵੇਂ ਸ਼ਹੀਦੀ ਦਿਹਾੜੇ ਨੂੰ ਸਮਰਪਿਤ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ ਆਫ ਵੈਸਟ ਇੰਡੀਜ਼, ਟ੍ਰਿਨੀਡਾਡ ਕੈਂਪਸ ’ਚ ਸਮਾਗਮ ਕਰਵਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ। ਇਸ ਮੌਕੇ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਭਾਸ਼ਣ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਜਵਾਹਰ ਲਾਲ ਨਹਿਰੂ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ, ਦਿੱਲੀ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰੋਫੈਸਰ ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ ਨੇ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੂੰ ਪੂਰਬ ਦਾ ਚੀ ਗੁਵੇਰਾ ਕਿਹਾ।
ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ ਆਫ ਵੈਸਟ ਇੰਡੀਜ਼ ਦੇ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ ’ਚ ਪਹਿਲੀ ਵਾਰ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਯਾਦ ’ਚ ਸਮਾਗਮ ਕਰਵਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ। ਇਸ ਮੌਕੇ ਟ੍ਰਿਨੀਡਾਡ ’ਚ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਭਾਈਚਾਰੇ ਦੇ ਉੱਘੇ ਇਤਿਹਾਸਕਾਰ ਪ੍ਰੋ. ਬ੍ਰਿੰਸਲੇ ਸਮਾਰੂ ਨੇ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਸੰਗਰਾਮ ’ਚ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਤੇ ਗਾਂਧੀ ਦੇ ਵੱਖ-ਵੱਖ ਨਜ਼ਰੀਏ ਬਾਰੇ ਵਿਸਥਾਰ ਨਾਲ ਦੱਸਿਆ। ਹਿੰਦੂ ਕਾਲਜ, ਦਿੱਲੀ ’ਚ ਪ੍ਰਸਿੱਧ ਇਤਿਹਾਸਕਾਰ ਪ੍ਰੋ. ਬਿਪਨ ਚੰਦਰ ਦੇ ਵਿਦਿਆਰਥੀ ਰਹੇ ਪ੍ਰੋ. ਸਮਾਰੂ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਸੰਗਰਾਮ ਦੀ ਦੋ ਵਿਚਾਰਧਾਰਾਵਾਂ ਨੇ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕੀਤੀ।
ਇਸ ਮੌਕੇ ਪ੍ਰੋ. ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ ਨੇ ਤਸਵੀਰਾਂ ਤੇ ਲਿਖਤੀ ਸਮੱਗਰੀ ਨਾਲ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਸ਼ਖ਼ਸੀਅਤ ’ਤੇ ਚਾਨਣਾ ਪਾਉਂਦਿਆਂ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਤੁਲਨਾ ਚੀ ਗੁਵੇਰਾ ਨਾਲ ਕੀਤੀ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ ਇਹ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਸ਼ਖ਼ਸੀਅਤਾਂ ਦੇ ਕਈ ਪੱਖਾਂ ਦਾ ਆਪਸ ’ਚ ਗੂੜ੍ਹਾ ਮੇਲ ਹੈ। ਪ੍ਰੋ. ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ ’ਤੇ ਹੈਰਾਨੀ ਪ੍ਰਗਟਾਈ ਕਿ ਟ੍ਰਿਨੀਦਾਦ ਤੇ ਟੋਬਾਗੋ ’ਚ ਭਾਰਤੀਆਂ ਦੀ ਕਾਫੀ ਆਬਾਦੀ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ’ਚੋਂ ਬਹੁਤ ਘੱਟ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ´ਾਂਤੀਕਾਰੀ ਲਹਿਰ ਤੇ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਭੂਮਿਕਾ ਬਾਰੇ ਪਤਾ ਹੈ।
ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਚਾਚਾ ਅਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ 1909 ਤੋਂ 1947 ਤੱਕ 38 ਵਰ੍ਹੇ ਦੱਖਣੀ ਅਮਰੀਕੀ ਦੇਸ਼ਾਂ ’ਚ ਜਲਾਵਤਨੀ ਕੱਟੀ ਤੇ ਉਹ ਖ਼ਾਸਕਰ ਅਰਜਨਟੀਨਾ ਤੇ ਬ੍ਰਾਜ਼ੀਲ ’ਚ ਰਹੇ, ਪਰ ਇਸ ਖੇਤਰ ਦੇ ਲੋਕ ਵੀ ਇਸ ਤੱਥ ਤੋਂ ਵਾਕਫ਼ ਨਹੀਂ ਹਨ। ਇਸ ਮੌਕੇ ਟ੍ਰਿਨੀਦਾਦ ’ਚ ਵੈਂਜ਼ੂਏਲਾ ਦੀ ਰਾਜਦੂਤ ਮਾਰੀਆ ਬੁਗੇਨੀਆ ਮਾਰਕੈਨੋ ਕੇਸੈਡੋ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਤੌਰ ’ਤੇ ਪੁੱਜੇ। ਇਸ ਮੌਕੇ ਰਾਜਕੁਮਾਰ ਸੰਤੋਸ਼ੀ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਬਣਾਈ ਫ਼ਿਲਮ ‘ਦਿ ਲੈਜੰਡ ਆਫ਼ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ’ ਵਿਖਾਈ ਗਈ। -ਪੀ.ਟੀ.ਆਈ.

Che Guevara and Bhagat Singh

2011-04-09T11:26:00.001-07:00

Che Guevara and Bhagat Singh

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ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ #ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ# ਦੀ ਪਰਿਭਾਸ਼ਾ

2011-03-27T09:59:00.000-07:00

ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ #ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ# ਦੀ ਪਰਿਭਾਸ਼ਾ
                          ਡਾ॰ ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ
           ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਕੁਝ ਹੋਰ ਅਹਮ ਖ਼ਤ ਸਾਹਮਣੇ ਆਏ ਹਨ,ਜਿਨਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਖ਼ਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਨਾਂ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ ਦੀ ਸਪਸ਼ਟ ਪਰਿਭਾਸ਼ਾ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਹੈ। 12 ਜੂਨ 1929 ਨੂੰ ਉਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਤੇ ਬਟੁਕੇਸ਼ਵਰ ਦੱਤ ਨੂੰ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਅਸੈਂਬਲੀ ਬੰਬ ਕੇਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਮਰ ਕੈਦ ਦੀ ਸਜ਼ਾ ਦੇਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਦ ਮੀਆਂਵਾਲੀ ਤੇ ਲਾਹੌਰ ਜੇਲ਼ ਭੇਜਿਆ ਗਿਆ। ਦਿੱਲੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਕੈਦੀ ਦਾ ਦਰਜਾ ਹਾਸਿਲ ਸੀ,ਪਰ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਧਾਰਨ ਕੈਦੀ ਸਮਝਿਆ ਗਿਆ, ਜਿਸਦੇ ਖਿਲਾਫ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਨੇ 15 ਜੂਨ ਤੋਂ ਭੁੱਖ ਹੜਤਾਲ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤੀ।ਇਸ ਸੰਬੰਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਆਈ॰ ਜੀ॰ਪੰਜਾਬ ਜੇਲ ਨੂੰ 17 ਜੂਨ ਨੂੰ ਖ਼ਤ ਲਿਖਿਆ,ਜਿਸਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਕਰਮ ਵਜੋਂ ਸੁਪਰਡੈਂਟ ਮੀਆਂਵਾਲੀ ਜੇਲ ਨੇ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਤੋਂ 18 ਜੂਨ ਨੂੰ ਕੁਝ ਸਪਸ਼ਟੀਕਰਨ ਮੰਗੇ, ਜਿਨਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਉਨਾਂ ਵਲੋਂ ਖੁਦ ਨੂੰ #ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ# ਸਮਝੇ ਜਾਣ ਬਾਰੇ ਸੀ। ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ 19 ਜੂਨ ਨੂੰ ਇਸ ਖ਼ਤ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਬ ਵਿੱਚ ਜੋ ਖ਼ਤ ਸੁਪਰਡੈਂਟ ਜੇਲ ਨੂੰ ਲਿਖਿਆ, ਉਹ ਉਨਾਂ ਦੀ #ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ# ਦੀ ਪਰਿਭਾਸ਼ਾ ਨੂੰ ਸਪਸ਼ਟ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲਾ ਹੈ। ਮੂਲ ਖ਼ਤ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਲਵਿੰਦਰਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਵੜੈਚ ਹੁਰਾਂ ਆਪਣੀ ਕਿਤਾਬ-#ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਫਾਂਸੀ# ਵਿੱਚ ਛਾਪ ਦਿਤਾ ਹੈ, ਇਥੇ ਉਸਦਾ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਤਰਜਮਾ ਪੇਸ਼ ਹੈ।ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਵਿਚਾਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਮਝਣ ਲਈ ਏਹ ਖ਼ਤ ਬੜਾ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਹੈ।–ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ
ਸੇਵਾ ਵਿਖੇ
ਸੁਪਰਡੈਂਟ
ਜ਼ਿਲਾ ਜੇਲ ਮੀਆਂਵਾਲੀ
ਪਿਆਰੇ ਸ਼੍ਰੀਮਾਨ ਜੀ,
ਮੇਰੀ ਅਰਜ਼ੀ ਬਾਰੇ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਸਵਾਲਾਂ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਬ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੈਂ ਕਹਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹਾਂ:
1॰ ਮੈਂ ਇੱਕ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ ਹਾਂ।ਮੈਨੂੰ ਨਹੀਂ ਪਤਾ ਕਿ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਦਰਜੇ ਦੇ ਕੈਦੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਕੀ ਸਹੂਲਤਾਂ ਹਾਸਲ ਹਨ।ਇੱਕ ਹੱਕ ਦੇ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਮੈਂ ਕਹਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਸਾਨੂੰ #ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ# ਤਸਲੀਮ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ। ਪਰ #ਰਾਜ ਕੈਦੀ# ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੜਾ ਅਜੀਬ ਹੈ।*ਇਸ ਲਈ ਮੈਂ ਕਹੰਦਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਮੇਰੇ ਨਾਲ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਸਲੂਕ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ ,ਮਤਲਬ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਉਹੋ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਖ਼ੁਰਾਕ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਜਾਵੇ, ਜੋ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਜੇਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਜਾਂਦੀ ਸੀ-ਮੁਲਜ਼ਮ ਤੇ ਸਜ਼ਾ ਮਿਲਣ ਬਾਅਦ ਦੋ ਦਿਨ- ਦੋਵਾਂ ਰੂਪਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ। ਇਸਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਹੀ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਸਾਹਿਤ ਪੜ੍ਹਨ ਦੀ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਹੋਣੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ ਹੈ ,ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਸਾਡੇ ਵਿਚਾਰਾਂ ਲਈ ਸਜ਼ਾ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਗਈ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਅਕਸਰ ਸਾਨੂੰ #ਭਟਕੇ# ਜਾ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਕੁਝ ਹੀ ਕਿਹਾ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ। ਇਸਲਈ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਪੜ੍ਹਨ ਅਤੇ #ਨਰਮ ਖਿਆਲ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਚਾਰ# ਬਣਾਉਣ ਦਾ ਮੌਕਾ ਮਿਲਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਵੀ ਹੋਵੇ, ਇਤਿਹਾਸ, ਅਰਥਸ਼ਾਸ਼ਤਰ ਵਰਗੇ ਵਿਸ਼ਿਆਂ ਦੀਆਂ ਕਿਤਾਬਾਂ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਬਿਨਾ ਰੁਕਾਵਟ ਮਿਲਣੀਆਂ ਚਾਹੀਦੀਆਂ ਹਨ,ਜਿਵੇ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਦਰਜੇ ਦੇ ਕੈਦੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲਦੀਆਂ ਹਨ।
2. ਦਿੱਲੀ ਜੇਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੁਕਦਮੇ ਅਧੀਨ ਅਤੇ ਸਜਾਯਾਫਤਾ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਰੂਪਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਖ਼ੁਰਾਕ ਅਤੇ ਸਾਹਿਤ ਮਿਲਦਾ ਸੀ।
3॰ #ਜ਼ਬਰਦਸਤੀ ਮਸ਼ੱਕਤ# ਤੋਂ ਮਤਲਬ ਏਹ ਕਿ ਅਸੀਂ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀਆਂ ਤੇ ਸਜ਼ਾ ਦੇ ਹਿੱਸੇ ਦੇ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਮਸ਼ੱਕਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਬਰਦਸਤੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਣੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ। ਅਸੀਂ ਆਪਣੀ ਇਛਾ ਨਾਲ ਮਸ਼ੱਕਤ ਕਰ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਾਂ।
4.ਮੈਨੂੰ ਜੱਜ ਤੋਂ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਸਹੂਲਤਾਂ ਬਾਰੇ ਪੁਛਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਮਹਿਸੂਸ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਈ, ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਏਹ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਪਹਲਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਮਿਲ ਰਹੀਆਂ ਸਨ।
5. ਹੁਣ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਪੰਜਵੇ ਸਵਾਲ ਬਾਰੇ। ਮੈਂ ਸਾਫ ਲਫਜ਼ਾਂ ਵਿਸ਼ ਉਨਾ ਹੱਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਬੇਨਤੀ ਕਰਦਾ ਹਾਂ, ਜਿਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਹੋਣ ਕਰ ਕੇ ਹੱਕ ਹੈ। ਅਜੇਹਾ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਕਾਨੂਨ ਜੋ ਸਾਡੇ ਹੱਕਾਂ ਦਾ ਉਲੰਘਣ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੋਵੇ, ਦੀ ਇੱਜ਼ਤ ਦੀ ਉਮੀਦ ਸਾਥੋਂ ਨਹੀਂ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾਂ ਸਕਦੀ। ਮੈਂ ਬਿਨਾ ਵਜਾਹ ਕੋਈ ਝਗੜਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ। ਮੇਰੇ ਖਿਆਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੈਂ ਬੇਹਦ ਬਾਦਲੀਲ ਮੰਗਾਂ ਰਖੀਆਂ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਮੇਰਾ ਵਿਵਹਾਰ, ਜੋ ਹੁਣ ਤੱਕ ਮੇਰੇ ਖਿਆਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੇਹੱਦ ਵਾਜਿਬ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ, ਇਸ ਵੱਲ ਇਸ਼ਾਰਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਮੈਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਕਾਨੂਨ ਦਾ ਉਲੰਘਣ ਨਹੀਂ ਕੀਤਾ । ਮੈਂ ਬੜੇ ਅਫਸੋਸ ਨਾਲ ਕਹ ਰਿਹਾ ਹਨ ਕਿ ਮੈਂ ਹੋਰ ਕੁੱਝ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰ ਸਕਦਾ ਅਤੇ ਇਸਲਈ ਜੋ ਵੀ ਤਕਲੀਫਾਂ ਹੋਣਗੀਆਂ , ਮੈਂ ਝਲਣ ਲਈ ਤਿਆਰ ਹਾਂ।
ਮੈਂ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਗੁਜ਼ਾਰਿਸ਼ ਕਰਦਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਮੈਂ ਜੋ ਕਿਹਾ ਹੈ,ਉਸਤੇ ਬਿਨਾਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਤਾਸਬ ਦੇ ਗੌਰ ਫ਼ਰਮਾਓ ਅਤੇ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਕਾਰਵਾਈ ਕਰੋ।
ਲਾਹੌਰ,ਜ਼ਰੀਏ ਸੁਪਰਡੈਂਟ                                                ਦਸਖ਼ਤ- ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ
19-6-1929                                                 ਕੈਦੀ ਨੰ॰ 1119

ਜੇਲ ਸੁਪ੍ਰਡੈਂਟ ਨੇ ਪੁਛਿਆ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਜੇਲ ਨਿਯਮਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ #ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕੈਦੀ# ਲਫਜ਼ ਹੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ,ਉਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ #ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਦਰਜਾ ਹਾਸਲ # ਜਾਂ#ਰਾਜ ਕੈਦੀ# ਦਰਜੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਰਖਣ ਤੇ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ , ਏਹ ਜਵਾਬ ਉਸ ਹਵਾਲੇ ਨਾਲ ਹੈ ।
ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਅਨੁਵਾਦ ਅਤੇ ਟਿੱਪਣੀ—ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ , ਪ੍ਰੋਫੈਸਰ, JNU,ਦਿੱਲੀ

ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਲਹਿਰ ਨਾਲ ਪਟਿਆਲਾ ਦਾ ਸੰਬੰਧ

2011-03-27T09:52:00.000-07:00

This article was probably published in 'Punjabi Tribune' Chandigarh on Sunday 20th March 2011, but I could not get it on internet edition, so posting here now in original for the benefit of those who don't read Punjabi Tribune,but can read Punjabi in Gurmukhi script.Someone knowing to convert it into Shahmukhi may do it so.

   ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਲਹਿਰ ਨਾਲ ਪਟਿਆਲਾ ਦਾ ਸੰਬੰਧ
                                            ਡਾ॰ ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ

     ਗਦਰ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਦਾ ਅਸਰ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੇ ਮਾਲਵੇ ਖਿਤੇ ਤੇ ਕਾਫੀ ਸੀ, ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਗਦਰ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਨਾਲ ਜੁੜ ਕੇ ਮਾਲਵੇ ਇਲਾਕੇ ਤੋਂ ਹੋਏ। ਪਰ ਇਹੋ ਗਲ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਲਹਿਰ ਬਾਰੇ ਕਹਨੀ ਔਖੀ ਹੈ, ਜਿਸ ਦਾ ਅਧਾਰ ਜਿਆਦਾ ਲਾਹੌਰ-ਲਾਇਲਪੁਰ ਇਲਾਕੇ ਤੇ ਹਿੰਦੀ ਭਾਸ਼ੀ ਇਲਾਕੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੀ,ਪਰ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਮਕਬੂਲੀਅਤ ਮਾਲਵੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਧੇਰੇ ਹੈ । ਹੁਣ ਲਾਹੌਰ ਸਾਜ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕੇਸ ਦੇ ਦਸਤਾਵੇਜ਼ ਰਾਣਾ ਭਗਵਾਨ ਦਾਸ, ਸਾਬਕਾ ਚੀਫ ਜਸਟਿਸ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਸੁਪ੍ਰੀਮ ਕੋਰਟ ਵਲੋਂ ਹਿੰਦੁਸਤਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਸੌਂਪਣ ਬਾਅਦ ਤੇ ਇਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਕੁਝ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਮਾਲਵਿੰਦਰਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਵੜੈਚ ਹੁਰਾਂ ਵਲੋਂ ਸੰਪਾਦਤ ਕਰਕੇ ਛਾਪਣ ਮਗਰੋਂ ਆਖਿਰ ਪਟਿਆਲਾ ਵਿਖੇ ਉਸ ਵੇਲੇ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਸ਼ਰਧਾਲੂ ਹੋਣ ਤੇ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਬੁਲਾਵੇ ਤੋਂ ਕੁਝ ਵੀ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਸੱਜਣ ਦਾ ਪਰਸੰਗ ਲਭ ਪਿਆ ਹੈ। ਏਹ ਸੱਜਣ ਸੀ –ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਨਿਰਮਲ , ਜਿਸ ਦੇ ਖ਼ਤ ਲਾਹੌਰ ਸਾਜ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕੇਸ ਦੇ 600 ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਪੇਸ਼ ਦਸਤਾਵੇਜ਼ਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹਨ। ਏਹ ਖ਼ਤ #ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੂੰ ਫਾਂਸੀ# ਸੀਰੀਅਲ ਦੀਆਂ ਕਿਤਾਬਾਂ ਦੀ ਤੀਸਰੀ ਜਿਲਦ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਾਗ- 53-ਸਫਾ 326-30 - ਤੇ ਛਪੇ ਹਨ। ਇਸ ਹਿੱਸੇ ਦਾ ਸਿਰਲੇਖ ਹੈ-#ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਖ਼ਤ ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਰਿਕਾਰਡ#-30 ਜਨਵਰੀ 1929 ਨੂੰ ਹੋਈ ਇਸ ਤਲਾਸ਼ੀ ਬਾਰੇ ਪੁਲਸ ਵਲੋਂ ਦਰਜ ਹੈ—#ਵਸੂਲੀ ਸੂਚੀ# –
      ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ ਪੁਤਰ ਨਥਾ ਸਿੰਘ, ਜਾਤ ਆਹਲੂਵਾਲੀਆ ਪਟਿਆਲਾ ਰਾਜ ਦੇ ਥਾਣਾ ਪਿੱਪਲ ਦੇ ਵਾਸੀ ਦੇ ਘਰ ਦੀ ਤਲਾਸ਼ੀ ਹੇਠ ਲਿਖੇ ਆਦਮੀਆਂ ਦੀ ਹਾਜ਼ਰੀ (ਨਾਂ ਦਰਜ ਨਹੀਂ ਹਨ)ਵਿੱਚ ਲਈ ਗਈ ਅਤੇ ਹੇਠ ਲਿਖੀਆਂ ਵਸਤਾਂ ਉਥੋਂ ਬਰਾਮਦ ਹੋਣ ਤੇ ਪੁਲਸ ਨੇ ਆਪਣੇ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਈਆਂ:-
ਤਾਰੀਖ਼, 30 ਜਨਵਰੀ 1929.
1.1928 ਦੀ ਬੰਦ ਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਗੁਰਮੁਖੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਡਾਇਰੀ
2.ਨਥਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਵਲੋਂ ਭੇਜੇ ਉਰਦੂ ਵਿਚ ਦੋ ਪੋਸਟ ਕਾਰਡ
3.ਪੂਰਨ ਚੰਦ ਵਲੋਂ ਭੇਜਿਆ ਉਰਦੂ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਕਾਰਡ
4.ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਵਲੋਂ ਗੁਰਮੁਖੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਭੇਜੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਪੋਸਟ ਕਾਰਡ
5.ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਵਲੋਂ ਗੁਰਮੁਖੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਭੇਜਿਆ ਇੱਕ ਲਿਫਾਫਾ
     ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਵਲੋਂ ਭੇਜੇ ਏਹ ਖ਼ਤ ਬੜੇ ਦਿਲਚਸਪ ਤੇ ਜਾਣਕਾਰੀ ਭਰਪੂਰ ਹਨ। ਪਰ ਵੜੈਚ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਤੋਂ ਜੋ ਰਿਕਾਰਡ ਆਇਆ,ਉਹ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਟਾਇਪ ਕੀਤਾ ਆਇਆ ਤੇ ਉਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੂਲ ਭਾਸ਼ਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਕੁਝ ਵੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਆਇਆ।ਅਦਾਲਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਬਰਤਾਨਵੀ ਅਫਸਰਾਂ ਵਲੋਂ ਜੋ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਤਰਜਮਾ ਪੇਸ਼ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ,ਉਹੋ ਰਿਕਾਰਡ ਆਇਆ ਹੈ। ਸੋ ਇਥੇ ਉਲਟਾ ਤਰਜਮਾ ਹੈ, ਮੂਲ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਦੇ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਤਰਜਮੇ ਤੋਂ ਮੁੜ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਕੀਤਾ ਤਰਜਮਾ, ਪਰ ਇਤਿਹਾਸਿਕ ਪਖੋਂ ਏਹ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਉਨਾ ਦਿਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਪਟਿਆਲੇ ਦੇ ਯੋਗਦਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਇਸ ਅਣਚਾਹੇ ਤਰਜਮੇ ਰਾਹੀਂ ਹੀ ਪਛਾਣਿਆ ਜਾਵੇ ।
     ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੂੰ ਲਾਹੌਰ ਦੇ ਪਤੇ ਤੇ ਖ਼ਤ ਲਿਖਿਆ, ਜੋ ਉਥੇ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਲਹਿਰ ਦੇ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਦੇ ਕਾਰਕੁਨ ਸਨ। ਖ਼ਤ ਇਸ ਤਰਾਂ ਹੈ—
ਮੇਰੇ ਪਿਆਰੇ ਸਰਦਾਰ ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ,
       ਸਤਕਾਰ ,ਮੈਂ ਇਥੇ ਠੀਕ ਹਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਉਮੀਦ ਹੈ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਵੀ ਉਥੇ ਠੀਕ ਹੋ। ਹੁਣ ਮੇਰਾ ਬੁਖਾਰ ਉਤਰ ਗਿਆ ਹ। ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇਸ ਬਾਰੇ ਫਿਕਰ ਨਾ ਕਰੋ। ਮੈਂ ਬੜੇ ਪਿਆਰ ਨਾਲ ਤੁਹਾਡਾ ਖ਼ਤ ਪੜ੍ਹਿਆ ਹੈ। ਮੈਂ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਉਥੇ ਮੈਨੇਜਰ ਹੋਣ ਨੂੰ ਦਿਖਾਓਨ ਲਈ ਵਧਾਈ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹਾਂ।    ਮੈਂ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਆਪਣਾ ਮਦਦਗਾਰ ਸਮਝਦਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਮੇਰੀ ਹਰ ਮੌਕੇ ਮਦਦ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋ। ਮੈਨੂੰ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਏਹ ਲਿਖਣਾ ਤਾਂ ਨਹੀਂ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਸੀ, ਪਰ ਲਿਖ ਰਿਹਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਮੇਰੇ ਕੋਲ ਨਾ ਪੰਜ ਪੈਸੇ ਹਨ ਨਾ ਜੁੱਤੀ। ਮੈਂ ਤਾਂ ਵਾਹੇਗੁਰੁ ਤੇ ਨਿਰਭਰ ਹਾਂ। ਮੈਂ ਸੰਸਕ੍ਰਿਤ ਪੜ੍ਹਨੀ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਕਰ ਦਿਤੀ ਹੈ। ਮੇਹਰਬਾਨੀ ਕਰਕੇ ਦੱਸੋ ਕਿ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਕੀ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹੋ। ਏਥੇ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਕੋਈ ਅਖ਼ਬਾਰ ਨਹੀਂ ਮਿਲਦਾ, ਜਿਸਨੂੰ ਪੜ੍ਹ ਕੇ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਮੁਲਕ ਦੇ ਹਾਲਾਤ ਦਾ ਪਤਾ ਚਲ ਜਾਵੇ। ਇਥੇ ਰਹ ਰਹੇ ਵਿਦਿਆਰਥੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਮਨ ਤੇ ਅਸਰ ਅੰਦਾਜ਼ ਹੋਣਾ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਹੈ। ਇਥੇ ਕਾਫੀ ਲੋਕ ਰਹਿੰਦੇ ਹਾਂ। ਮੈਂ ਪਹਲਾਂ ਵੀ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਦਰਖਾਸਤ ਕੀਤੀ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਇਥੇ ਹਿੰਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਉਰਦੂ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਿਰਤੀ ਅਖ਼ਬਾਰ ਦੀਆਂ ਕਾਪੀਆਂ ਭੇਜੋ, ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਇਥੇ ਪਰਚਾਰ ਬੜਾ ਘੱਟ ਹੈ।ਜੋ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ਾਂ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਹੋ, ਇਥੇ ਕਰਨੀਆਂ ਚਾਹੀਦੀਆਂ ਹਾਂ। ਸਾਨੂੰ ਆਪਣਾ ਸਾਰਾ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਇਸ ਜਗਾਹ ਤੇ ਲਾਉਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ। ਤੁਸੀਂ ਜੋ ਠੀਕ ਸਮਝੋ ਕਰੋ।
ਤੁਹਾਡਾ ਹਿਤੂ,
ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ , ਸੰਸਕ੍ਰਿਤ ਪਾਠਸ਼ਾਲਾ
ਪੋਸਟ ਕਾਰਡ ਤੇ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਪਤਾ- ਸਰਦਾਰ ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ, ਮੈਨੇਜਰ ਕੌਮੀ ਬੀ॰ਏ॰   , ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਬਾਵਲੀ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਡੱਬੀ ਬਾਜ਼ਾਰ, ਲਾਹੌਰ
     27-12-1928 ਨੂੰ ਪਟਿਆਲੇ ਤੋਂ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਇੱਕ ਛੋਟਾ ਖ਼ਤ ਹੈ-
ਮੇਰੇ ਪਿਆਰੇ ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ,
ਸਤਕਾਰ । ਮੈਂ ਇਥੇ ਬਿਲਕੁਲ ਠੀਕ ਹਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਉਥੇ ਇਵੇਂ ਹੀ ਲੋਚਦਾ ਹਾਂ। ਮੈਂ ਇਥੇ ਪਟਿਆਲੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਖ਼ਾਸ ਕੰਮ ਲਈ ਆਇਆ ਹਾਂ ਇਸ ਕਰਕੇ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਹੇਠ ਲਿਖੇ ਪਤੇ ਤੇ ਖ਼ਤ ਭੇਜਣਾ। ਸਰਦਾਰ ਸਾਹਿਬ(ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ) ਨੂੰ ਮੇਰਾ ਸਤਕਾਰ।
ਤੁਹਾਡਾ ਹਿਤੂ,
ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ – ਪਤਾ-ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ, ਧਰਮ ਧਜਾਂ , ਨਿਰਲ ਖਾਰਾ , ਤੋਪਖ਼ਾਨਾ ਗੇਟ , ਪਟਿਆਲਾ
ਪੋਸਟ ਕਾਰਡ ਤੇ ਪਤਾ—ਸਰਦਾਰ ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸੂਬਾ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਦਫਤਰ, ਬਰੇਡਲੇ ਹਾਲ, ਲਾਹੌਰ

ਤੀਸਰਾ ਬਿਨਾਂ ਤਾਰੀਖ਼ ਦਾ ਕੁਝ ਲੰਬਾ ਖ਼ਤ ਜਿਆਦਾ ਮਹਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਹੈ
ਮੇਰੇ ਪਿਆਰੇ ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ,
ਸਤਕਾਰ। ਮੈਂ ਇਥੇ ਬਿਲਕੁਲ ਠੀਕ ਹਾਂ ਤੇ ਉਥੇ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਵੀ ਇੰਜ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਉਮੀਦ ਕਰਦਾ ਹਾਂ।ਮੈਂ ਬੁਖਾਰ ਕਰਕੇ ਕਾਫੀ ਕਮਜ਼ੋਰ ਹੋ ਗਿਆ ਹਾਂ, ਮੈਨੂੰ ਤਿੰਨ ਵਾਰੀ ਟੀਕੇ ਲੱਗੇ। ਇਸਲਈ ਮੇਰੇ ਕੋਲ ਜੋ ਵੀ ਪੈਸੇ ਸਨ ਸਾਰੇ ਖ਼ਰਚ ਹੋ ਗਏ। ਜਦੋਂ ਹੀ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਪੈਸੇ ਮਿਲਣਗੇ, ਮੈਂ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਭੇਜ ਦਿਆਂਗਾ ।ਮੇਹਰਬਾਨੀ ਕਰਕੇ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲਣਾ ਤੇ ਮੇਰੇ ਨਾਂ ਕਿਰਤੀ ਅਖ਼ਬਾਰ ਜਾਰੀ ਕਰਵਾ ਦੇਣਾ। ਏਹ ਨਾ ਸੋਚਣਾ ਕਿ ਮੈਂ ਪੈਸੇ ਨਹੀਂ ਭੇਜਾਂਗਾ । ਮੈਂ ਤੁਹਾਡਾ ਬੜਾ ਸ਼ੁਕਰਗੁਜ਼ਾਰ ਹੋਵਾਂਗਾ । ਮੇਰੇ ਪਿਆਰੇ ਦੋਸਤ, ਮੈਂ ਸੁਣਿਆ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਲਾਲਾ ਲਾਜਪਤ ਰਾਏ ਗੁਜ਼ਰ ਗਏ ਹਨ। ਮੈਂ ਉਨਾ ਦੇ ਚਲਾਣੇ ਤੇ ਦਿਲੀ ਦੁਖ ਦਾ ਇਜ਼ਹਾਰ ਕਰਦਾ ਹਾਂ। ਇਸ ਨਾਲ ਹਿੰਦੁਸਤਾਨ ਦਾ ਬੜਾ ਭਾਰੀ ਨੁਕਸਾਨ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ। ਅਜੇਹੇ ਆਦਮੀ ਮਿਲਣੇ ਬੜੇ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਲ ਹਨ। ਹਿੰਦੁਸਤਾਨ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਹੀ ਹਨੇਰੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੈ। ਹੁਣ ਅਜੇਹੇ ਲੀਡਰ ਦੀ ਮੌਤ ਨਾਲ ਕੀ ਹਨੇਰਾ ਘਟ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ? ਹਿੰਦੁਸਤਾਨ ਬੜਾ ਬਦਕਿਸਮਤ ਹੈ। ਅਜੇਹੇ ਲੀਡਰ ਦੀ ਮੌਤ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਦ ਕੌਣ ਮੁਲਕ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕਰੇਗਾ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਮੈਂ ਆਪਣਾ ਪਤਾ ਪ੍ਰਿੰਸੀਪਲ ਨੂੰ ਭੇਜ ਦੇਵਾਂ। ਏਹ ਕਰਨ ਦਾ ਕੀ ਫਾਇਦਾ?ਮੇਹਰਬਾਨੀ ਕਰਕੇ ਆਪਣਾ ਪੂਰਾ ਪਤਾ ਤੇ ਮਾਹਵਾਰੀ ਵਜ਼ੀਫੇ ਦੀ ਰਕਮ ਲਿਖਣਾ।ਮੈਂ ਹੇਠਾਂ ਤੁਹਾਡਾ ਨਾਂ ਲਿਖ ਕੇ ਕਾਲਜ ਨੂੰ ਭੇਜ ਦਿਆਂਗਾ । ਏਹ ਕੰਮ ਜ਼ਰੂਰ ਕਰ ਦੇਣਾ। ਸਰਦਾਰਜੀ(ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ) ਨੂੰ ਮੇਰਾ ਸਤਕਾਰ ਕਹਿਣਾ । ਮੇਹਰਬਾਨੀ ਕਰਕੇ ਉਹ ਮੈਥੋਂ ਜੋ ਵੀ ਕੰਮ ਚਾਹੁਣ,ਜ਼ਰੂਰ ਦਸਣਾ। ਮੈਂ ਉਸੇ ਵੇਲੇ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਕੋਲ ਆ ਜਾਵਾਂਗਾ। ਮੈਂ ਅਖ਼ਬਾਰ ਬਾਰੇ ਜੋ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਕਿਹਾ ਹੈ, ਉਹ ਨਾ ਭੁਲਣਾ। ਏਹ ਜ਼ਰੂਰ ਦੇਖਣਾ ਕਿ ਮੈਥੋਂ ਰਿਆਯਤੀ ਚੰਦਾ ਲੈ ਲੈਣ। ਮੈਂ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਜਿਨੇ ਪੈਸੇ ਉਹ(ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ) ਕਹਿਣ, ਭੇਜ ਦਿਆਂਗਾ। ਮੇਹਰਬਾਨੀ ਕਰਕੇ ਕੁਝ ਖ਼ਾਸ ਗਲ ਹੋਵੇ ਤਾਂ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਲਿਖਦੇ ਰਹਿਣਾ। ਮੇਰਾ ਖਿਆਲ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਇਥੇ ਪਰਚਾਰ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ। ਜੇ ਮੇਰੇ ਕੋਲੋਂ ਕੋਈ ਗਲਤੀ ਹੋ ਗਈ ਹੋਵੇ ਤਾਂ ਮਾਫ ਕਰਨਾ।
ਤੁਹਾਡਾ ਹਿਤੁ,
ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ

            ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਇਨਾਂ ਖ਼ਤਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਜੋ ਖ਼ਾਸ ਗਲਾਂ ਸਾਮਣੇ ਆਓਂਦੀਆਂ ਹਨ, ਉਹ ਕਿ, ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੀ ਸ਼ਖਸ਼ੀਅਤ ਦਾ ਦੂਰ ਦੂਰ ਤੱਕ ਨੌਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਤੇ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਅਸਰ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਸੀ। ਕਿਰਤੀ ਮੈਗਜ਼ੀਨ ਦਾ ਅਸਰ ਵੀ ਪਤਾ ਲਗਦਾ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਉਸ ਨਾਲ ਡੂੰਘੇ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਜੁੜੇ ਹੋਣ ਦਾ ਵੀ, ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਨਾ ਕਈ ਲੇਖ ਉਰਦੂ ਤੇ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਖੇ।
     ਚੰਗਾ ਹੋਵੇ ਸੰਸਕ੍ਰਿਤ ਪਾਠਸ਼ਾਲਾ ਪਟਿਆਲਾ ਤੇ ਤਾਰਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਦੇ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਸੰਗਰਾਮ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਰੋਲ ਬਾਰੇ ਹੋਰ ਤਥ ਸਾਮਣੇ ਲਿਆਂਦੇ ਜਾਣ। ਬਾਬੂ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਨਾਲ ਜੁੜੇ ਹੋਣ ਤੇ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਅੰਦਰ ਵੀ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਅਸਰ ਦਾ ਪਤਾ ਇਨਾਂ ਖ਼ਤਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਲਗਦਾ ਹੈ। ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਪਿਤਾ ਕਿਸ਼ਨ ਸਿੰਘ ਖੁਦ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਦੇ ਸਿਰਕਢ ਕਾਰਕੁਨ ਸਨ ਤੇ ਭਗਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਜੇਲ ਤੋਂ ਬਹੁਤੇ ਖ਼ਤ ਬ੍ਰੈਡਲੇ ਹਾਲ ਲਾਹੌਰ ਦੇ ਪਤੇ ਤੇ ਹੀ ਭੇਜੇ ਗਏ ਹਨ, ਜੋ ਉਨੀ ਦਿਨੀਂ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਕਾਂਗਰਸ ਦਾ ਮੁੱਖ ਦਫਤਰ ਸੀ।
ਡਾ॰ ਚਮਨ ਲਾਲ
Visiting Professor, The University of the West Indies, Trinidad & Tobago
Email-prof.chaman@gmail.com Mob. 1868-3692687

Check out Tehelka - India's Independent Weekly News Magazine

2011-03-23T17:52:00.001-07:00

Check out Tehelka - India's Independent Weekly News Magazine

Shaheed Bhagat Singh Chowk Lahore

2011-03-22T12:09:00.000-07:00

Jose Marti-Great revolutionary and National Hero of Cuba

2011-02-06T15:13:00.000-08:00

    According to Juan Marinello, Jose Marti happened to be one of the most high ranking, authentic, great and profound historical figures of Latin America.Along with Simon Bolivar( Venezula), San Martin(Argentina),Miguel Hidalgo(Mexico), Moroles, Sucre and Toussain, he is considered as father of independence struggles of their people and untiring warrior against colonial domination. Marti is held in such high esteem by the people of Cuba that he is considered the embodiment of an exemplary son of the country. References to some of these heroes can be found in Gabriel Garcia Marquez's novel, based on Bolivar's life-'The General in his Labryinth'
   Marti was son of a modest official of Spanish Govt. in Cuba, his home was typical of a poor child's dwelling in colonial factory. In one of his poem-'Yoke and Star', he depicts his house as 'When I was born without light....' Inspired by his teacher and poet Mendive, Marti became non-conformist even before he attained adolescence. He published his play 'Abdala', full of patriotic zeal and yearning for liberty.He was condemned to forced labour by Spanish colonialists at the age of 16 years and at breaking down of his health, was exiled to Spain in 1871, at the age of 18 years. In Spain, Marti joined Madrid University for studies and produced polemical speech-'The Spanish Republic in the face of the Cuban Revolution', which was published in 1873 at the age of just 20 years.His second literary work 'Adultera' was published while he studied law at the University
      From Spain , Marti moves to Mexico, where he becomes a dedicated lecturer and journalist,he wrote for stage and became a drama critic. He left Mexico, when oppressive regime of Diaz took over, but the last letter before he took fatal Spanish bullet, was addressed to 'The friend of Mexico'-Manuel Marcado.
                         In 1877, Marti visited Cuba and Guatemala. In Guatemala, Marti wrote his autobiographical novel-'Amistad Funesta'(Unfortunate Friendship), though not considered his best literary writing by critics, but this novel depicts intimate personality of Marti and gives vivid account of Guatemala's life, he also warns Central American people about dangers being faced by them. In 1878, Marti returned to Cuba,when the 'Peace of Zanjon' was signed, but he clearly opined that Cuba can only be liberated through armed struggle. He is again subjected to oppression and is exiled again. He leaves Cuba, passes through Paris on way to Spain and then moves to New York in 1880. Same year he visited Venezuela and stayed there for six months, before leaving for New York, he wrote--'Venezuela, give me the opportunity to serve you.. I am your child..'
   During the last fourteen years of his life, Marti lived in New York, he made the clear resolution to dedicate himself wholeheartedly to the task of freeing Cuba. Gradually he won over the devotion of fellow countrymen and became the unquestionable leader of the emancipatory struggle of the country. Marti founded Cuban Revolutionary party in 1891 after gaining the confidence of Cuban people, which became fundamental instrument for his armed struggle .
        In days ahead, Marti took a nerve wrecking pilgrimage , a continuous restless journey through United States and Latin American countries.He mopped up valuable consent and contributions from people of Costa Rica and Dominican republic for the cause of 'unavoidable war'. He visited Mexico for last time in 1894.Marti landed in Cuba on 11th April 1895 and joined the insurgent troops as one of the many other soldiers.He became an example of self sacrifice and discipline. While mounted on horse or during camp nights, he wrote hurried notes, which are work of great depth and beauty showing the virtues of a great writer.On 19th May, 1895, a Spanish bullet ended his life at a place called Dos Rios, in Oriente de Cuba.
                                      Marti's Works
            In his New York office, Marti left extensive and varied work so wide that it took its editor to compile these in 27 big volumes, an unimaginable task for anyone is short life span of just 42 years, only a genius could do it.Marti's austere revolutionary duty never stood in the way of his work as writer.His qualities as journalist during New York stay show the qualities of highly sensitive and supreme artistic manifestations. He sent his articles to 'The Nation' of Buenos Aires(Argentina), 'La America' and 'El Economist Americano' of New York, 'Universal Magazine' and 'Partido Liberal' of Mexico,'Revista Venezuela' of Carcas and 'Republic' of Honduras and so many other journals of the Caribbean and Latin America.
   Apart from political and journalistic writings, Marti devoted lot of time to literary and art criticism. His literary writings filled many volumes and his analysis of world literary figures like-Darwin, Carlyle, Wilde, Flaubert, Spencer and Pushkin are considered masterpieces.Marti has great attachment with France and appreciated its enlightened writers like Victor Hugo, Luis Blance, Balzac, Emile Zola, Rousseau, Baudlaire,, Gautier and many more.
Litrary writins of Marti include poetry, plays, essays, fiction and literary criticism.His first poetic play 'Abdala' was published, when he was just 16 years old.His second play 'Adultera' was written in exile.In Guatemala, Marti wrote an Indian drama called 'Patriaa Y libertad'.Marti's anthologies include 'The Little Ismael', Simple Verses' and 'Free Verses'. There are many references to India in Marti's literary writings.There are references to Gautam Buddha as 'outstanding liberator of humanity'. He wrote about India's cultural influence on the wise men of Egypt, he refers to Tajmahal as 'pure as milk'. He refers to Ramayna, and describes The Jatakas as loveable philosophy..
         In India, Peoples Publishing House , New Delhi published 'Remembering Marti', a commemorative volume in 1995, at the occasion of Marti's hundredth martyrdom anniversary. In this small volume Olga Chamario Trias and Victor Ramirez, Cuban diplomats in Delhi paid glowing tributes to the memory fo Jose Marti by describing him as ' The "Author" still at the Front'.First declaration of Havana in 1960, after the revolution led by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara begins with reference to Marti and 1976, when the first constitution of socialist Cuba was passed in National Assembly reads 'We declare our will that the law of laws of the Republic be guided by the strong desire of Jose Marti.At long last achieved:'I want the fundamental of our republic to be the tribute of Cubans to the full dignity of Man'.Fidel Castro is referred to be having the qualities of Marti in his personality.

'Our America' is considered to be the most significant writing of Marti.Marti refers to 'weapons of mind' in this essay as conquuers of all others and describes 'Barricades of ideas worse than barricades of stone'!Marti emphasises on self criticism in this seminal essay--'Nations should live in continual self criticism, because criticism is healthy, but always with one heart and one mind. Go down to the unfortunates and take them in your arms!' Marti attacks racist and reactionary rightwing fundamentalists by his scathing words--'The soul emantes, equal and eternal, from bodies distinct in shape and color. Whosoever foments and propagates antagonism and hate between races, sins against Humanity'.Yes this is the America of Martis, Bolivars, Martins, which counters the America of Bushes and Reagans...The present generation of latin America is living up to the ideals of its progressive heroes in Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, equador, Brazil and spreading to all other lands of Marti's 'Our America'. 21st century belongs to this America and not to washington ruled America!Amen!

The Hindu article on my new book on Bhagat Singh in Urdu

2011-01-06T16:51:00.000-08:00

M. TAHIR

M. Tahir speaks to seasoned author Chaman Lal who has just penned another book on Bhagat Singh

‘The sword of revolution is sharpened at the whetstone of thoughts.' You mention ‘Bhagat Singh' and see the spark in his eyes. He is Chaman Lal, author and educationist who teaches Hindi but breathes Punjabi and Urdu. For long Lal has been relentlessly trying to paint the ‘true picture' of the revolutionary through his writings. His latest book, “Bhagat Singh Key Rajneetik Dastavez”, published by National Book Trust and translated into Urdu by Hasan Musanna, titled, “Bhagat Singh Ke Siyasi Dastavez” has just hit the stands. Timely too considering Bhagat Singh's anniversary has just been observed across the country. This 233-page paperback is priced at Rs.85.
Lal, former Chairperson, Centre for Indian Languages, JNU, is a man on a mission. Delivering lectures, writing articles and books on Bhagat Singh has made Lal an authority on him. It all started four decades ago in his native place, Rampura Phul, Bhatinda. Then Hind Pocket Books brought out a series on the freedom fighters which was serialised in “Desh Bhakt Yadan” in Punjabi. This got Lal interested in Bhagat Singh. He has not looked back since.
This book is important as the documents throw enough light on Bhagat Singh's beliefs. They prove beyond doubt his deep thoughts and clear political vision, based on Marxism. In fact, Bhagat Singh, keenly aligned with Lenin's views, was studying Lenin till just before the hanging.
Why another book?
If you ask Lal, ‘why another one' as he has already penned half a dozen books on the revolutionary in different languages, he says, “See, people don't think of Bhagat Singh beyond a freedom fighter who threw a bomb in Delhi Assembly and was hanged by the British. I want to change this mindset and bring out the real Bhagat Singh, the intellectual who could have been a hero of the masses, at par with Gandhi if not better, due to his deep political views and a clear roadmap to freedom!”
According to him the British Empire was seeing in him an ideological hero and a leader like Lenin and the history has neglected this revolutionary and reformer. He aims to right this wrong with the new venture in a country that is at times guilty of selective memory.
The documents collected in this book show Bhagat Singh in a new perspective who by his own admission was an atheist who refused to say ‘Wahe Guru' before hanging. His dislike for Naram Dal, old stalwarts of freedom struggle, the Non-cooperation Movement and a policy of wait and watch is more than evident. He was the man of action rather, truly following the French revolutionary, Vaillant, who had said, “It takes a loud voice to make the deaf hear.”
He was also influenced by communist reformers and was impressed by the popular unrest during the 19th Century around Europe, America and Russia, specially the Tsar period. According to Lal, Bhagat Singh was the first freedom fighter who brought ‘Inquilab Zindabad' slogan into political arena while throwing the bomb in Delhi Assembly.
Why this translation in Urdu? Lal shuffles in his seat looking into the collection on his desktop to inform that Zahida Hina of Pakistan has called Bhagat Singh a ‘Pakistani Shaheed' and this Urdu book would support a Pakistani democratic movement or more aptly a Left democratic movement.
He is also striving to set up an archive on the lines of Gandhi and Nehru.
Beyond literature, even cinema has focussed on Bhagat Singh. Just a few years ago we had a spate of films on the revolutionary. Lal is clear about the portrayal of Bhagat Singh in films.
According to him the character of Bhagat Singh was more objective in Rajkumar Santoshi directed flick, The Legend of Bhagat Singh. He didn't like Ramanand Sagar's Bhagat Singh but found Guddu Dhanoa's Shaheed touching for its songs. He, however, has serious reservations about the much talked about Rang De Basanti. For the moment though, he would have us all reading Bhagat Singh. The language can be of our choice, the subject remains the same.

Urdu book-'Bhagat Singh ke Siyasi Dastavez' can be ordered at Ahmad Ali Sheikh, Sheikh Mubark Ali Publisher,62,Muzang Road Safanwala Chowk Lahore-Phone-6361306,mob.-03334266930 Or Imran Haque,Deputy Director(Sales),National Book Trust,Nehru Bhavan Vasant Kunj,New Delhi-110070.Email-nbtindia@nbtindia.org.in,phone-011...-26707700-02

Title of the book

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Sheeba Cheema, Rauha Khalid, Saima Hayat and 21 others like this.
- Shahid Kaiser Bajwa that is good to remember the great Bhagat singh
  07 October 2010 at 09:42 ·
- Madan Rai Aap ke Bhagat ingh ke bare men lekhan par Hindu men lekh dekha.mujeh jahan tak jankari hai ,ees par pahla mahatwapoornkary aapne Heerawal men leekhe lekh se aarmbh keeya tha.Hame to aap ke aaur Merityu Bodh kelekh se hee ees mahan krantikari ko sahi paripreksh men janne ka aawsar meela.Han Hansraj Rahbar ke yogdan ko bhi nahin boolaya ja sakta hai.
  07 October 2010 at 12:13 ·
- Tariq Yazdani
  Bhgat sing ki inqalabi jado jahad ke bare main to bachpan se hi bahut kuch pardhte aae hain aur un kai logon se mil chuke hain jo keh Bhagat sing ki underground zindgi ya Jail ke sathi rahe hain aur unse Saheed e watan Bhagat sing ke bare m...ain bahut kuch sun chuke hain.Janab hassan Sb nain professor Chaman Lal ki kitab Bhgat Sing ke Sayasi dastavezaat ka Urdu main tarjuma kar ke Bhagat Singh ke Sayasi nazriyat se hamain aur aane wali naslon ashna karwane ka fareeza ada kiya hai. Yaqeenan is se Pakistan main Bhaghat Singh ke chahne walon main beshumar Izafa ho ga Aur hamari azadi ki tehreek aur perwan chardhe gi.
  
  Yeh jang hai jang-e Azadi
  Azadi ke parcham ke taleSee more
  07 October 2010 at 23:13 · · 1 personLoading...
- Angrez Sekha Bahut Vadhieya ji,,,,,,,,
  07 October 2010 at 23:19 · · 1 personRauha Khalid likes this.
- Saima Hayat hmmm ....good work ....
  08 October 2010 at 14:28 ·
- Tariq Yazdani Thanx Rauha
  16 October 2010 at 00:29 ·

Books and photos

2011-01-06T16:47:00.000-08:00

My Urdu book-'Bhagat Singh ke Siyasi Dastavez' can be ordered at Ahmad Ali Sheikh, Sheikh Mubark Ali Publisher,62,Muzang Road Safanwala Chowk Lahore-Phone-6361306,mob.-03334266930 Or
Imran Haque,Deputy Director(Sales),National Book Trust,Nehru Bhavan Vasant Kunj,New Delhi-110070.Email-nbtindia@nbtindia.org.in,phone-011...-26707700-02

Vicharvan Inqlabi Bhagat Singh-online

2011-01-06T16:43:00.001-08:00

Bradlaugh Hall-Haroon Khalid

2011-01-06T16:41:00.000-08:00

Bradlaugh Hall: A symbol of a revolution

by Haroon Khalid
From 1900 till 1947, for almost half a century the famous Bradlaugh Hall of Lahore situated on the Rettigan road, remained a symbol of Revolution for the entire British India. Charles Bradlaugh, Lala Lajpat Rai, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Ajeet Singh, Bhagat Singh, and Jawaharlal Nehru all towering figures of their times have been associated with this hall. What should have been preserved as the museum of political revolution in Lahore lies in shambles near the University of Veterinary and Animal Sciences today. There is a huge lock on the entrance of the hall placed there by The Evacuee Trust Property Board (ETPB). The gloomier aspect is that not many people of the city today are aware of the political, cultural and social significance of the Bradlaugh Hall. There are a few people who are actually aware of its existence.
Rettigan road in the late 19^th century was occupied by massive British bungalows. This was the elite section of the town. Charles Bradlaugh, an English Parliamentarian, advocate of Indian freedom from the British yoke, bought a piece of land here. Bradlaugh unlike his fellow British conservatives belonged to a different school of thought. He was one of the most famous atheists of his time who refused to take the oath on Bible when elected in the Parliament. He was also one of those Parliamentarians who advocated that the Indian people should be allowed to choose their own fate; in the Parliament. His resolution was accepted.
In Lahore, he had earlier purchased this vast tract of land; however no hall had been constructed so far. The British Government could not appreciate his sympathy for the Indians so they initially took the contract of laying down railway tracks from him and then ordered him to leave Indian land immediately. He bought a boat, stocked food and anchored the boat on the bank of Ravi. His contestation was that since he was not on Indian ‘land’ therefore he was not disobeying the State. He was later forced to leave. In England he gathered together members of the civil society and the labor class to advocate for the cause of Indian freedom.
Surinder Nath Banarjee in 1900 after the departure of Charles Bradlaugh inaugurated this hall. He was a member of the Indian National Association which was incorporated into Congress later. From 1898-1905 he remained the President of the Indian National Congress.
Perhaps the greatest contribution to this hall came from Lala Lajpat Rai. He was born on the 28^th of January 1865 in Ferozpur to Ghulab Devi. Ghulab Devi Hospital on the Ferozpur road is named after her. He joined the Government College Lahore in 1880 from where he got a degree in Law. As part of Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement he founded the National College inside this Hall to impart quality education to Indians, who did not want to join British institutions. In 1928 when the Nationalists boycotted the Simon Commission there were speeches organized here against it hosted by Lala Lajpat Rai, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, and Syed Atta ullah Shah Bukhari. The National College takes us directly to Bhagat Singh and his comrades. In 1922 he joined this college where he met Sukhdev and Yashpal his future compatriots. He remained here till 1926 and his political bearings were marked by his stay here. During that juncture and even after that many plays and other cultural activists were organized here with the focus on freedom of India. Another comrade of the Naujawan Bharat Swabha Bhagat Singh’s party Shareef Mateen, an inhabitant of Lahore remained in refuge here during the case against Bhagat Singh. He was present here with party members, the parents and brother of Bhagat Singh. During the trial his parents used to sit outside the hall on a charpoy and people passing by used to acknowledge them. The British Government established a Police check-post nearby to monitor the activities of the refuge.
Bhagat Singh was brought to this college by his Uncle Ajeet Singh a prominent figure of the Gaddar Movement. In the first half of the 20^th Century political activists from the Gaddar Movement, Kissan Tehrikh and Pagadi Sambhal Jutta found refuge here. In the 1920 the famous Mohan Roy founder of the All India Communist Party and member of the International Communist Manifesto gave a memorable speech here, exhorting people to stand up for their rights and fight the British Imperialism. Inder Kumar Gujral a freedom fighter and former Prime Minister of India mentions of this hall in the most reminiscing tone. He says that this is where his political journey began from, where they formed their first Student Union. They heard the revolutionary speeches of Jawaharlal Nehru and poetry of Josh Miliabadi here for the first time. They also heard here Haran Mukherjee, Dr. Muhammad Ashraf, Mian Ifthikharuddin and Dr. Saifuddin Kachlo.
When the first film studio in Lahore was setup in 1933 it was organized in fields next to the Bradlaugh Hall property of the Hall.
It is a pity that a Hall, which remained so close to the Independence of British India and a center of cultural activity for half a century, saw a complete turn of fate after the creation of Pakistan. For a little time after 1947 it was used to store food stuff after which till 1980s, it served as a steel mill. It reopened as a technical education centre, the Milli Technical Education Institute however because of a dispute between the Directors; one of them took possession of the Hall and rented it out to private academies. Finally the Evacuee Trust Property Board (ETPB) took possession of the Hall claiming to be the legal owners of the property and since 2009 it has been closed. Now it is a sanctuary for criminal activities.
It is high time that the government realizes the political and cultural significance of the Bradlaugh Hall and conserves it as a museum of Revolution. Portraits or sculptors of the various important personalities who have been related to the Hall can be put up and a short history of the movements that have sprang up from here or that have remained in focus here can be put on the walls with pictures from the movement. The Hall can be open to general public. If steps are taken in this direction the significance of this Hall would be reestablished and the waning interest of our people in the history and culture of our land can be revived.

Ai watan ai watan

2011-01-06T16:35:00.001-08:00

Kuldip Nayar on Bhagat Singh memorials

2011-01-06T16:33:00.000-08:00

Lahore Central jail, where the three revolutionaries were hanged on the day in 1931, has been practically demolished. Their cells have been razed to the ground as if the establishment does not want any sign of their hanging to remain. It is a pity because Bhagat Singh’s sacrifice, long before partition, could have been a link of sorts between the two countries.

Three years ago, some of us located at Lahore the place where Bhagat Singh and his two comrades were hanged. Ironically, the locality where the scaffold for hanging was put up, has been named Shadman (abode of happiness). I asked residents of the colony if they knew who Bhagat Singh was. Many of them had heard the name. Some had a vague idea of his confinement and hanging.

“When we came here, there were only police quarters, which were pulled down as the colony expanded,” said a man in his fifties. The then Lahore Deputy Commissioner had not even heard of Bhagat Singh’s name.

Fortunately, the place of hanging is a bit removed from the main road. There is a pond which gives serenity to the site. We paid homage to the martyrdom of the three on March 24 to avoid the Pakistan National Day celebrations. The following year, we could not hold even a meeting because the authorities had clamped Section 144. The recurrent blasts at Lahore this year kept us away.

The busy roundabout, near which the scaffold for hanging was put up, has a story which is told and retold. This is the place where Nawaz Mohammad Ahmed Khan, father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, then a member of Pakistan’s National Assembly, was shot at.

Former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had reportedly “instructed someone” to kill Kasuri, a staunch opponent. When the bullets were fired through automatic weapons, Kasuri was negotiating the roundabout. His father, sitting next to him, received fatal injuries near the scaffold.

Kasuri’s grandfather was one of the officials who had identified the bodies of the three revolutionaries. Old timers believe that nemesis caught up with the Kasuri family when Mohammad Ahmed Khan was wounded at the roundabout. Ironically, Bhutto himself was hanged some 25 years ago.

Bhagat Singh was a staunch secular who knew no borders of prejudice or bias. For him the world was divided between the haves and the have-nots. Religion or caste did not figure anywhere. In an essay on “Why am I an atheist?” he argues: “Any man who stands for progress has to criticise, disbelieve and challenge every item of the old faith. If after considerable reasoning one is led to believe in any theory or philosophy, his faith is welcomed. His reasoning can be mistaken, wrong, misled, and sometimes fallacious. But he is liable to correction because reason is the guiding star of his life. But mere faith and blind faith is dangerous; it dulls the brain, and makes a man reactionary.”

Bhagat Singh maintained a notebook throughout his internment. A voracious reader as he was he would write down in his notebook the sentences he liked. Dwelling on his lack of faith in any religion, Bhagat Singh quoted from the notebook Upton Sinclair, an American socialist. The latter wrote: “Just make a man a believer in immortality and then rob him of all his riches and possessions. He shall help you even in that ungrudgingly. The coalition among the religious preachers and possessors of power brought forth jails, gallows, knots and these theories.”

The saddest day was March 23. It began like any other day when the political prisoners were let out of their cells in the morning. They normally remained out during the day and returned after sunset. But on March 23 when warden Charat Singh showed up at 4 p.m. and asked them to get back in, they were surprised.

It was too early for them to be locked up. They had often stayed long after sunset despite the warden’s rebukes. But this time he was not only strict, he was also adamant. He would not say why. All that he muttered incoherently was “orders from above.” They guessed that it was the hanging of Bhagat Singh and his two comrades.

The scaffold was old, but the hefty hangmen were not. All the three men sentenced to death stood on separate wooden planks, with a deep ditch of water running below them. Bhagat Sigh was in the middle. The noose was tightened around each one’s necks. They kissed the rope. Their hands and feet were tied. The hangmen pulled the rope and removed the rafters from under their feet. It was a crude mechanism. The bodies, limp and drooping, remained hanging from the scaffold for a long time. They were brought down and examined by a doctor who pronounced them dead.

I have not been able to understand why the government is reluctant to put a copper plaque at the place in the Central hall of Parliament where Bhagat Singh threw a bomb, purposely of low intensity, to draw the attention of authorities to the two proposed Bills relating to public safety and trade disputes before the House.

He said: “It takes a loud voice to make the deaf hear.” These are immortal words uttered on a similar occasion by Valliant, a French anarchist martyr, who said: “We strongly justify this action of ours” to open the ears.

During my six-year-long membership of the Rajya Sabha, I requested all Lok Sabha Speakers of different political parties to put the plaque at the bench in the public gallery from where Bhagat Singh threw the bomb and the place on the floor where it landed. My efforts bore no fruit. This is the least homage we can pay to the memory of Bhagat Singh.

Revolutionaries statues

2011-01-06T16:29:00.000-08:00

These are photographs from Gorakhpur,which I visited in June 2010,Faizabad, which I visited in June 2008 and Shahjahanpur,which I visited in 1989.Shahjahanpur photos I have scanned and then loaded on computer.

Najam Hussai Syed on Bhagat Singh

2011-01-06T16:27:00.000-08:00

Najm Hosain Syed arguably is the best Punjabi writer of the twentieth century poet , critic , playwright teacher, scholar, historian and leader of Punjabi Language Movement. His writings about Punjabi heroes Dullah Bhatti ,Ahmed Khan Kharal (two plays) and about our classic poets , all of whom were revolutionaries Nanak , Shah Hussain , Bulleh ... See moreShah Waris Shah , Sachal Sarmast et al , are a legion . He is a writer who is also a teacher , songwriter and composer par excellence . He is leader of thought in the Leftist and Punjabi Language Movements in Pakistan . Sir, you as language teacher would understand that the class struggle of the people is very closely linked to people,s languages in South Asia . People as varied in life as late Prof Kishen Singh and Punjabi leftist poet Paash Shaheed acknowledged Najm,s contribution .This is a short introduction about Najm Hosain Syed .Those who do not know about him do not know much about the Punjabi language today . Though my father , a leftist/ Congressman taught me about Bhagat Singh as a child , as any Punjabi father should ,it was Najm who introduced me to the historical /real Baghat Singh . Our magazines, best ever in the language , Maan Boli / Pancham , published all the writings of Bhaghat Singh ; that is where I learned about your Historical contribution to Bhagat Singh, life and history writings . Najm Is actively engaged with project Bhagat Singh,s life. And hopefully when we bring the repertoire theater of Najm,s to East Punjab a play about Bhagat Singh will be among them. Here are two of his short poems , first about class consciousness of Bhaghat Singh and one about his dream of India,s future , then . The poems are in Punjabi . The first with Bhangra taal is purpotedly a letter in reply to an upper class friends expression of sympathy :-O, hun tay aa gaey haan ! :Laambay keekan rahiay !Hun tay aa gaey haan :Yaari taeree saadee koi nahin ;Aevaen taenu jhooth paey kahiay : Hun tay aa giay haan , lambay keekan rahiay ;Tera saada jut vaer da ay ; Eha rah milan da ay toray ;Saanun khabray ajay saar nahin ; Koee jit puri jit nahin ; Haar koee puri haar nahin ; Hun tay aa gaey haan , laambay keekan rahiay ;Hun tay aa gaey haan !Jee marnun mar jewnu koee bahar nahin , hun tay aa gaey haan ; Lambay keekan rahiay , hun tay aa gaey haan ! The second poem is more complex . It is imagining the thoughts of the Hero at the time of his death , his all seeing eye that made him what he was ! "Asaan vaekh laey aj raat bhalak jo avny hae !Hae hirkkh jeha toray na vekhan !Jinhan bhet nah bhalia kal tay aj di ghaat ander ; Oha bujhian battian baal suttay ! Asan vekh lia aj raat bhalak jo avna hae !

Bange Museum about Bhagat Singh

2011-01-06T16:24:00.001-08:00

Visit to Bhagat Singh birth place by Harron Khalid

2010-12-19T07:32:00.000-08:00

ahore……Searching For Its Lost Soul!

A visit to Bhagat Singh’s village by Haroon Khalid

Posted on December 19, 2010 by Haroon Khalid| Leave a comment

Amongst the numerous Punjabi patriots that have been borne over centuries, arguably, Sardar Bhagat Singh’s personality stands as the tallest in stature, fame, and sacrifice. However, a strange event occurred after the death of this son of Punjab. The land that he called his mother got divided into two parts. This partition not only divided land but also mentalities, families and heroes. A strong sense of ‘us’ and ‘them’ were forged, to invoke patriotism, justifying the partition, or the betrayal, fueling nationalism. What is Indian is anti-Pakistani and vice-versa.

In this division of history, where does Bhagat Singh stand? He was an Indian when he died, but can he become a Pakistani after Pakistan, based on his ancestral village. Logic has it that he should become an Indian like Allama Iqbal became a Pakistani. We know that Bhagat Singh was an atheist. Can Pakistanis even dare to own atheist heroes? Now that is a path I am frightened to tread on.

Atheist or not, Muslim or Sikh, these distinctions cannot undermine the intellect, the passion and the sacrifice of Bhagat Singh. Irrespective of which country owns Bhagat Singh, the fact of the matter is that he was born in a small village on the Jaranwala-Faislabad road, called Banga, now part of Pakistan. He spent most of his adult life in Lahore. His political struggle was launched from this city; he murdered J.P Saunders in this city. His trial took place here and he was finally hanged in Lahore, on the 23^rd of March 1931.

The struggle of Bhagat Singh was not for the Muslims, or the Sikhs of India, as, ironically, the Khalsa movement, later, tried to portray. He fought for the repressed, irrespective of the religion. His best friends were Muslims; at least they were, before they became atheists. Like Che Guevara, Malcolm X, and Nelson Mandela, he is a symbol of empowerment, to the oppressed, yet I don’t understand why, whereas, a lot of people in Pak-land appreciate the efforts of the former turn red when Bhagat Singh is mentioned.

From 20^th to 25^th of November 2008, the fifth Punjabi Lokh Mela was organized and celebrated at the Government College of Jaranwala. This is an annual affair, and each year a Punjabi hero is celebrated. This year was the 100^th birthday of Bhagat Singh, because of which the Mela was arranged at Jaranwala, close to the birth village of Bhagat Singh. My mother and I along with some of our friends went to the see the Mela, on the 23^rd of November 2008. Our expectations were high; imaginations shaped by a large amount of Indian movies and dramas we have seen. But we were disappointed. The previous night three token blasts had occurred at the Alhamra Cultural complex, during the Rafi Peer Festival. There were just a few hundred local attendees. After trying our best to fully enjoy ourselves, we left in vain, to our next, much more exciting, stop, the residence of Bhagat Singh.

At a few kilometers from this place, on the right side of the road, if one is going from Jaranwala, a broken road leads to the forgotten village of Banga, where once songs about the bravery of Bhagat Singh were sung.

After suffering tremendously on the road, we reached Banga in one piece. The road, made of mud, was perpetually uneven. At the residence of Bhagat Singh we were greeted by Advocate Sanaullah, as if he was already expecting us. His family settled here after the partition. I could not help but appreciate his efforts to preserve the original architecture of the legend. He has not changed the intricate doors that were in vogue during that juncture. He has kept the strong safe that belonged to the family of Bhagat Singh. Perhaps his greatest contribution was the nourishment of the berry tree, whose seeds were laid by Bhagat Singh, himself, according to Sanaullah. Next to the tree was one of the original doors from that time. He told us that on the frame of the door Vande Matram was written, in blue ink, now no longer present.

The original house was an area of 2 canals, now divided into five houses, according to Sanaullah. Most of the original structures of those times have been eliminated. Just one room, within the property of the advocate, in a depredated state is still extant. It was reported to be the drawing room of the family. It was now below the present surface of the house.

Following this we headed towards the school where Bhagat Singh studied. Facing the school was an open ground, where, once, children from the school used to play. Now it is a playing field for bacteria found in the stagnant water. Behind the pond was a tall tower of a mosque, which was once a Gurduwara, according to Iqbal Qaiser. This was, primarily, a Sikh village, with just a few Muslim houses.

The school is in shambles, yet still functional. The primary classroom where Bhagat Singh used to study now exists without walls and roofs. Advocate Sanaullah reported that he is writing desperately to the government to revamp this classroom, but to no avail. He informed that the previous Governor had accepted to preserve the school and the house, and also uplift the village, but then the regime changed. The papers are still with the Governor.

Before the partition, the villagers had put up a statue of Bhagat Singh in one corner of the ground, next to which they used to commemorate the memory of Bhagat Singh, by arranging an annual festival. All changed after the partition.

Just as we were leaving the village, I asked a young boy, with no shirt, around 6 years of age, if he knew who Bhagat Singh was, he retorted, with pride, it seemed, Bhagat was the greatest Punjabi warrior.

Bradlaugh Hall Lahore

2010-09-19T07:13:00.001-07:00

Remembering Chandershekhar Azad

2010-07-27T09:33:00.000-07:00

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Chandershekhar Azad was born on 23rd July 1906 in Bhavra village of Jhabua district in present day Madhya Pradesh. He was born to mother Jagrani Devi and father Sita Ram Tiwari in a hut. His father Sita Ram Tiwari had migrated from Badraka village in Unnao district near Kanpur. His elder son Shukdev was born in Badraka. Parents had five children but only Chandershekhar Azad survived.

Azad had some elementary education in village,before going to Bombay at the age of 12-13 years, where he did some menial jobs. He went to Benaras and got enrolled in Sanskrit school. Here under the influence of non cooperation movement launched by Mahatma Gandhi in 1921, he took part in the movement and got 15 lashes on his back,shouting every time 'Mahatma Gandhi ki Jai'. He was badly bleeding after the punishment,but did not accept medication in jail and prefered being taken care of by some freedom fighter. After Gandhi withdrew the non cooperation movement as a fall out of Chauri Chaura incident on 4th February 1922,Azad got disillusioned by Gandhi and Congress movement. As Shachindernath Sanyal was trying to regroup revolutionary movement,Azad joined Hindustan Republican Army(HRA) along with many other young men like Ram Prasad Bismil,Ashfaquallah,Roshan Singh,Rajender Lahiri,Bhagat Singh etc. In Kakori rail dacoity on 9th August 1925, Azad and Kundan lal could not be arrested,whereas Bismil-Ashfaq-Roshan-Rajinder were hanged on 17th and 19th December in different jails of U.P.

In 1928,Bhagat Singh,Azad and many others regrouped in Ferozeshah Kotla grounds of Delhi on 8&9th September and rechristened their organisation as Hindustan Socialist Republican Army(HSRA) and it political wing as HRS Association.Chandershekhar Azad with the name of Balraj was appointed commander-in-chief of the armed wing and Bhagat Singh became the ideologue of political wing. They wanted to make mass organisations of students,youth and workers,but Lala Lajpat Rai's death at the hands of cruel British police lathi charge, made HSRA pledge to take revenge for this 'national insult'. Accordingly Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev killed police officer Saundres on 17th december 1928 at Lahore in front of SSP office. Azad supervised the whole operation and killed sub inspector Chanan Singh after repeated warnings, as he tried to follow and catch Bhagat Singh and Rajguru.

Later when organisation decided to send Bhagat Singh to throw bomb in Central Assembly Delhi on 8th April 1929, against the wishes of Azad, he saw to take care of all aspects of this act as well. Later HSRA planned to rescue Bhagat Singh from jail,but the plan was abandoned due to death of Bhagwati Charn Vohra on 28th May 1930 at Ravi Banks Lahore during bomb experiment.

Chandershekhar Azad remained active in the organisation,but on 27th February 1931 at Alfred Park Allahabad ,he was encircled by British police allegedly at the deception of someone in the group, named later as Vir Bhadar Tiwari. Sukhdev Raj with him at that time.Encounter took place around 9.a.m.Azad made Sukhdev Raj flee and faced the police with his mouser till the end,wounding many British officers. Even after firing stopped,British police was scared to go near his body. News spread in Allahabad and people gathered in large numbers. Police tried to cremate the body in hurry,but people foiled their attempt. Senior leaders like Kamla Nehru, wife of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Padamkant Malviya, nephew of Madan Mohan Malviya and editor of 'Abhyudue', joined the funeral procession. Shachindernath Sanyal's wife made a passionate speech exhortin people to take with them the ashes of Azad's cremated body as people in Calcutta did at Khudi Ram Bose's cremation in 1908. People followed her advice and nothing survived of the ashes.

Azad used to go to Pt. Nehru's house in Allahabad and Pt. Moti Lal Nehru, father of Jawaharlal was more sympathetic to them.Moti lal nehru died on 6th February 1931. Jawaharlal nehru had given money to Azad for sending Yashpal and Surender Pandey to Moscow for the study of Socialist thought,which did not materialise after his martyrdom.Though Azad was not intellectual like Bhagat Singh,but he was convinced wit the ideas of Socialis. He has listened 'Communist Manifesto' from Shiv Verma in its Hindi rendering and was impressed with it.

Azad was very close to Bhagat Singh and both were like Ho Chi Minh and Gen. Giap combination of Vietnam or Castro-Che Guvera combination of Cuba or even Mao-Chu Teh combination in China. Had their revolutionary movement grown and succeeded in India, another combinatio would have been created. My salute to the memory of one of the finest, most honest,brave and sincere revolutionaries of India!

Azad's widowed mother lived in her village,without believing that Azad has been martyred. Jagrani Devi was brought to Jhansi by two of Azad's best disciples-Bhagwan Das Mahour and Sadashiv Malapurkar in 1948, only then she came to terms with Azad's martyrdom. She died in March 1951 and was shown fire by Sadashiv Malapurkar, revolutionary comrade of Azad. Bhagwan Das Mahour was married to Master Rudra Narayan's daughter, at whose house Azad used to spend long time in Jhansi.

Location: wall-Admirers of Bhagat singh

Centenary of an Unsung Hero: Swarn Singh-Younger uncle of Bhagat Singh

2010-07-20T08:36:00.000-07:00

Sunday at 21:57 | Edit note | Delete

Swarn Singh, who died on 20th July, 1910, according to Malwinderjit Singh Waraich, author of many books on revolutionaries and revolutionary freedom movement of India, was the younger uncle of Bhagat Singh. Incidentally Swarn Singh died at almost same age-23 years, as Bhagat Singh kissed the gallows around same age.
Swarn Singh, the youngest son of S. Arjan Singh was born in 1887 at Khatkar Kalan , exact date of birth is not yet known. Along with his elder brothers-Kishan Singh,father of Bhagat Singh and Ajit Singh, close associate of Lala Lajpat Rai and Sufi Amba Prasad, he also got his education from Saidas Anglo Vedic school Jalandhar. As Kishan Singh and Ajit Singh were both active in freedom struggle, so Swarn Singh also followed their path. He was particularly associated with Ajit Singh’s activities in Lahore, like organizing Bharat Mata society and ‘Mohabbatan-e-Watan’ and focusing on peasant problems of those days. Ajit Singh used to bring out lot of literature in Urdu and English those days and Swarn Singh played major role in publishing activities.He was accused for publishing and selling books and pamphlets like—‘Bandar Bant’,’Divide and Conquor’, “Peshwa’,Hindustan Mein Angrezi hakumat’,’Ghadar’, ‘Baghi Masih’, ‘Amanat mein Khayanat’ and many others Because of his activities, he was also jailed many times and caught tuberculosis in jail. In a book edited by well known historian Dr. Ganda Singh for Punjabi University Patiala-‘Seditious Literature in The Panjab’, all the intelligence reports of those days, collected in the book, give vivid description of Swarn Singh’s activities and also refer to his being at the advanced stage of consumption, because of which he could not be tried for certain cases against him. So it is clear that Swarn Singh dedicated his life to nation, though he came from a well to do family and because of jail sufferings, he became consumptive, he did not receive any proper treatment for that and passed away on 20th July 1910, at the age of just 23 years.
Veerender Sandhu, author of family history of Bhagat Singh in Hindi has referred to Swarn Singh as being appointed Superintendent of an orphanage in Lahore in 1905, where lot many orphan children were brought by his elder brother Kishan Singh from Rajputana, because of severe drought there. Swarn Singh turned out this orphanage into a revolutionary training centre for children. He became a propaganda secretary of ‘Bharat Mata Society’ established by his elder brother Ajit Singh. After Ajit Singh’s deportation to Mandalay jail in Burma in 1907, Swarn Singh published his anti British articles from Lahore and he was convicted on 20th July 1907 and sentenced to one and half year imprisonment, where he caught consumption. He was tortured in jail by putting him with Mahasha Ghasita Ram for drawing water from well like oxen are put up. He refused to obey the illegal orders and he was confined to isolated cell for long time.
Swarn Singh was married to Bibi Hukam Kaur, who suffered silently, while he was in jail, rather than celebrating his married life with her and later she lived a widowed life for 56 years, dyeing without an issue in 1966.All her affections she gave to Bhagat singh, who was also very caring of both of his aunts. Harnam Kaur, also without an issue, waited for 38 years for the return of her husband Ajit Singh from exile, who returned to India in March 1947, only to be with her for last six months of his life, passing away in Dalhousie on 15th August 1947, at the dawn of independence.
The whole family fo Bhagat singh served the nation. His grandfather Arjan Singh trained his three sons and grandson Bhagat Singh for serving the nation.In fact Bhagat Singh was pledged to nation by his grandfather on his thread ceremony in early childhood. Bhagat Singh’s father suffered jail terms many times as Congress party activist and remained member of Punjab Assembly during 1937 elections. Kishan Singh’s younger brother Ajit Singh remained deported and exiled for nearly four decades. Ajit Singh’s younger brother Swarn Singh was no less active than other members of his family in patriotism and suffering for nation, however he remained most unknown and least talked about. It is time for the nation to acknowledge and recognize Swarn Singh’s selfless service to the nation and his contribution to freedom struggle by celebrating his death centenary in a befitting manner. Would the people’s organizations and Govt. of India and Punjab pay attention towards their long delayed duty in this regard?
Chaman Lal

‘Gandhi and Bhagat Singh’: Historian’s perplexity, thorn in the neck of national movement*

2010-07-04T00:50:00.000-07:00

Review

“Gandhi and Bhagat Singh’, V.N Datta, Rupa & Co., New Delhi, 2008, pages 126, Price- Rupees 295/
Chaman Lal

Ever since death sentence for Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev in Lahore conspiracy case-II was pronounced on 7th October, 1930 by a controversial three member special tribunal established by British colonial government, it became a national issue to get the lives of these patriots saved. And who could save these precious lives? In general perception it was Mahatma Gandhi, who was thought to be the tallest national leader of India at that time. Since then this question has never been settled. Every now and then, this issue again erupts, why did Gandhi not save the lives of these young men? Or could he save or not save? This issue had been discussed umpteen times, ‘Mainstream’ had series of articles, both in favour of and against Gandhi, but without any convincing conclusion. Academia had remained more or less aloof from this contentious issue, but with well known historian V.N.Datta’s latest publication ‘Gandhi and Bhagat Singh’, the debate has entered academic world also.
V. N. Datta has referred to earlier debates on the issue and has come out with his own views as well, which are of course in favour of Gandhi to a large extent. Although no one gave thought to this view, whether this issue deserved so much energy and space and such long time to continue? Before probing the different aspects of this contentious question, one should look at the background in which this question got focused and later even struck. Bhagat Singh and his revolutionary group after getting their organization renamed as “Hindustan Socialist Republican Association’ from earlier simple ‘Hindustan Republican Association’ on 8th and 9th September 1928, went into quick political actions, but they were trapped in the quagmire of British repressive actions on Indian masses and had to act against their own ideological perspective of building socialist movement with organizing masses in foreseeable future and thus creating an alternative to Indian National Congress for liberating the country. As the group requested Lala Lajpat Rai , a tall national leader, though with whom they had differences on communal issue, to lead the mass protest against the visit of Simon Commission to Lahore on 30th October, 1928, Lalaji fell to the brutal lathi blows of colonial police while leading the mass demonstration and succumbed to injuries on 17th November, 1928. There are two famous statements of that occasion, one issued by Lala Lajpat Rai himself on the same evening, i.e. 30th October, 1928, while addressing mass rally against this brutality by British police officers, namely Scott and Saunders, Superintendent and Deputy Superintendent of Police at Lahore at that time. Lala Lajpat Rai proclaimed in highly charged mass rally that ‘every blow on his body will prove to be the last nail in the caffeine of the British colonial rule in India.’ Other equally charged reaction came after the death of Lala Lajpat Rai, this was by Basanti Devi, the widow of most respected national leader C.R.Das that ‘whether the youth of this country have lost their shame? Whether our young men will avenge the death of our tallest national leader at the hands of a lowly British police officer? Known to be the most sensitive to the dignity of Indian nationhood, revolutionary group of Bhagat Singh had no option under the circumstances to uphold the dignity of Indian nationalism by avenging the death of Lala Lajpat Rai, who was the symbol of Indian nationalism at that time, despite their bitter differences with him. On 17th December, 1928, exactly one month after the death of Lala Lajpat Rai, Saunders was shot dead by Rajguru and Bhagat Singh, with the cover given to them by Chanderrshekhar Azad. Though they all escaped from Lahore in a very daring manner and could even had lie low for sometime, but the sharp intellect and growing political maturity in Bhagat Singh led him to take further clear decisions. Bhagat Singh could see that in spite of reaching the consciousness of the need to have socialist revolution in India through insurrection, like in Russia in 1917, he and his group was not equal to that great task. He knew that their days are numbered and they must perform such spectacular actions which could awaken the sleepy masses of India. He wanted that the socialist ideas of his revolutionary group and his own must reach every nook and corner of the country and they had to sacrifice their lives to awaken the masses. Bhagat Singh was more than absolutely clear that sacrifice of some of the leading leaders of the group was must and due to his involvement in Saunders murder, he had to be one of those, who must accept this moral duty towards the nation and its people. It was with such clear understanding that the second spectacular action of throwing harmless bombs in Central Assembly Delhi, ( ‘To Make the Deaf Hear’), to protest against anti people legislations like ‘Public Safety Bill’ and ‘Trade Disputes Bill’ was planned very meticulously. The decision not to escape and use courts as platform to propagate their ideas was also taken with political maturity. Further to sing national songs and raise slogans in the court and get brutally beaten up publicly at the hands of British police in response, was also part of that political design. Even to use the weapon of hunger strike and observe record hunger strike of 115 days, with the loss of their dear comrade Jatin Dass after 63 days was to rouse the masses and they did succeed in their target.
Bhagat Singh delayed the Lahore conspiracy case proceedings, much to the chagrin of British colonial rulers, but he never wanted to save his life. He agreed to allow and appeal to Privy Council for this purpose but with the clear understanding that ‘Execution must not stop’. His wish was that ‘they should be executed at the time when Indian people’s rise in masses to demand for their release was at its peak’. That is what exactly happened. He was executed exactly when the whole nation had woken up and Bhagat Singh had become a household name and it proved Gandhi’s apprehension expressed to Irwin, true, that ‘their execution will make them ‘national martyrs’, so they became defeating both Gandhi and British crown design to marginalize them from Indian political scene.
‘Gandhi and Bhagat Singh’ is an enlarged and revised version of a long keynote address delivered by Prof. V.N.Datta at the international conference held on ‘Bhagat Singh and his Times’ at Panjab University, Chandigarh in September 2007 by ICHR and Institute of Punjab Studies. In a short preface the author argues that ‘The question of Bhagat Singh’s life and death has to be seen from a broader perspective, especially within the framework of the British Imperial system operating in the country, which is generally ignored’. The author also questions the view of some of the historians that ‘Bhagat Singh was a convinced and confirmed Marxist, Socialist and Leninite’. The author takes this view to be one dimensional. Prof. Datta also poses the question—‘What was his (Bhagat Singh’s) legacy? What was his achievement? The author counterpoises the view of Gandhi that Bhagat Singh’s mode of militant nationalism was ‘most injurious to the cause of Indian independence. Still more Prof. Datta proclaims that ‘Sukhdev was the real brain and organizer of the entire programme’ and ‘his role has been ignored’, further ‘ Sukhdev still awaits a historian!’. For a small book of about 125 pages, these questions and observations are too tall. The book divided into eight chapters includes in appendices, notice by HSRA after killing JP Saunders, the leaflets thrown in Central assembly after throwing the bombs, Governor General’s statement after Gandhi-Irwin pact and Karachi Congress resolution of 31st march 1931 on ‘Fundamental Rights and Economic Changes’. Apart from useful index and bibliography, Chronological table of Bhagat Singh’s life has also been included in the book.
In the first chapter, the author refers to the debate that took place mostly in the pages of left weekly ‘Mainstream’ on Gandhi’s role in this whole episode. While Ashok Celley, D.P.Das and A.G.Noorani took a strong stand that Gandhi had not sincerely tried to save the lives of these young revolutionaries, Anil Nauriya and Prem Bhasin counter these views by supporting the view that Gandhi did his best to save the lives. Some other authors have also been referred from their books. K K Khullar and Kuldip Nayar are quoted as supporting Gandhi for making efforts, while D(G?) S Deol, Manmathnath Gupta and also A.G.Noorani in his book ‘The Trial of Bhagat Singh’ have been referred to castigating Gandhi in this context. S. Irfan Habib has been referred to be a bit ambivalent on this issue. Some British historians like Roy Jenkins, Andrew Roberts and Allan Campbell Johnson have been shown as describing the events or Gandhi-Irwin negotiations in a matter of fact manner. In fact the major article in this regard was penned by D.P.Das, which was published under the title ‘Gandhi and Bhagat Singh’ in Independence Day number of ‘Mainstream’ in 1970. D.P Das had based his arguments on the basis of documents of British bureaucracy in national archives. He also referred to Lord Irwin’s autobiography, in which he has referred to his dialogue with Gandhi on this issue. This article has created ripples, as for the first time Gandhi’s image was questioned in a very serious manner. A.G.Noorani later added this article in his book in appendices and he himself supported all the arguments of Das with his own painstaking research in the process of writing ‘The Trial of Bhagat Singh’. Ashok Celly argued that Gandhi never tolerated any other view in the national movement apart from his own views. He refers to the throwing away of Subhash Bose from Congress party despite being democratically elected President, as he had defeated Gandhi’s candidate in elections. D.G. Tendulkar and Pattabhi Sitaramaya are quoted for espousing Gandhi’s moral dilemma in this regard as being a votary of non violence; he could not defend an act of violence by the young men. INA General Mohan Singh and author G.S.Deol are unhappy with Gandhi’s passivity in this matter. All this debate is concentrated on only on one issue, which was why Gandhi did not make it the condition of Gandhi-Irwin negotiations going on that time that the lives of these young men will be spared and it would be converted into life sentence. Privy Council by this time had rejected the appeal on these executions and now only Viceroy could commute the sentence and all the appeals were being made to him. Since Congress party as main driving force of national movement was expected to take lead in this regard, pressure was being built on it from inside and outside to take a clear stand and further make it a condition of any agreement with British Government. Not only Gandhi, who was the undisputed most powerful leader of Congress party, even the Congress working committee also did not make it as a precondition for the negotiations with British Government. At that time Subhash Chander Bose was part of Congress party, Jawaharlal Nehru like popular leaders of the party were admirers of Bhagat Singh, yet they all were so helpless before Gandhi that none could force the issue, so their admiration for revolutionaries remained on paper and confined to speeches.
Prof. Datta has thrown some light on Gandhi’s attitude towards revolutionary or militant means in national movement in third chapter of the book. In 1909, Madan Lal Dhingra, son of a pro British rich family from Amritsar, came for higher studies to London and under the influence of Veer Savarkar’s militant views, killed Curzon Wyllie and got executed in London itself after a quick trial. Gandhi was in London in those days and he condemned this killing in most strong words. Gandhi had also referred to this case in his tract ‘Hind Swaraj’, which many people think is the key to understand Gandhian thought on Indian independence. This book written in Gujrati in 1909 was banned, when its English edition came out in 1910, for some time. Gandhi also condemned bomb hurled on Lord Harding on 23rd December 1912, during his ceremonial entry into city, after the capital was shifted to Delhi from Calcutta. Gandhi from South Africa at that time declared it to be ‘a catastrophe’. Incidentally Madan Lal Dhingra and the four persons executed in Lord Harding bomb case-Master Amir Chand, Balmukund , Awadh Behari and Basant Kumar Biswas were highly praised by Bhagat Singh in his writings on national movement. Gandhi from his South African experiences has made non violence as his creed for national movement and created a political term ‘Satyagraha’, literally meaning ‘insisting for truth, as new weapon for attaining independence for the country. Gandhi had again strongly condemned bomb thrown on 23rd December 1929 at Viceroy’s train by Bhagat Singh’s comrades. Killing of Saunders and throwing of bombs in Central assembly was also condemned as strongly as other actions of the revolutionaries by Gandhi and some other leaders of the Congress party. Gandhi had described the bomb throwing in Central Assembly as ‘the criminal act of two mad youth’.
In this longest chapter Gandhi’s Attitude, Prof. Datta has referred to some other interesting aspects of national movement, such as commercial interests or one would say national bourgeoisie’s interests. Every one know that Gandhi was too close to business magnet G.D.Birla, in fact mush of the funds for Congress party came from these business houses and largest from Birla family. Prof Datta has quoted another eminent historian of national movement Sumit Sarkar that ‘ G.D.Birla, Walchand Hirachand and Purshottamdas Thakurdas thought that the further continuance of anti-British struggle would adversely affect their commercial interests.’(Page 39) It is same Purshottamdas Thakurdas to whom Bhagat Singh had referred in his famous quote that what difference it makes to people if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru or Purshotamdas Thakurdas take the place of Lord reading or Lord Irwin, if system does not change. Prof. Datta has quoted Gandhi’s letter to Viceroy written on 23rd March, 1931, the day he was observing silence. This is by far the strongest defense for Gandhi in favour of his ‘efforts’ to save the lives of these young men. But this letter rather than being the defense of Gandhi becomes a moral reflection on him, as the letter contains such reference to revolutionary group, which was far from truth and no one could believe that. In the letter it is said that-‘ I am able to inform you that the revolutionary party has assured me that, in the event of these lives being spared, that party will stay its hands, suspension of sentence pending cessation of revolutionary murders becomes in my opinion a preemptory duty.’(Page 42)
It is a double moral reflection on Gandhi’s considered ‘truthful’ personality. Every political personality in those days and British administration as well, knew fully well that whatever may come, Bhagat Singh and his comrades will never give any assurance on renouncing violence under pressure or to ‘save lives’. Such was their moral stature. Though it was a fact that Bhagat Singh and his group had decided to keep away from political violence and work for organizing the masses, yet they would never convey it to their sworn enemy, the British colonial rulers. Aruna Asaf Ali had vouched to this in this very chapter’s references. Here Bhagat Singh’s ‘truthfulness’ had higher credibility than Gandhi’s. Nationalist leader and Bhagat Singh’s counsel Asaf Ali was trying his best to get some dignified statement from Bhagat Singh, which could convey their political view of shunning terrorism as method, but he was not granted permission by British rulers. Gandhi writing this letter to Viceroy on 23rd March morning also makes it as a ritual, as British administration had sent secret circular to jail authorities to execute the prisoners on 23rd evening itself, though it was widely believed that executions will take place on 24th March morning as per tradition.
In fact, Prof. Datta has not quoted the passage from Lord Halifax’s (Irwin) autobiography, which had been quoted by DP Das in his ‘Mainstream’ article that during their talk on Bhagat Singh issue Gandhi had asked Irwin that would he mind if he publicly claims that he put the maximum pressure on Viceroy on this issue. Irwin had replied that he won’t mind that. So ‘the best efforts’ made by Gandhi ‘to save the lives of Bhagat Singh’ were planned in the full knowledge of British administration. In this chapter, Prof. Datta had not referred to some more facts in this regard. Durga Bhabhi widow of revolutionary Bhagwaticharn Vohra and herself an accused in attack on British Governor in Bombay had met Gandhi in this regard. Gandhi knew her well and thought she had come to seek his intervention in her own case. She was living underground those days and had warrants against her. Gandhi told her ‘to surrender’ and the rest he would take care. But when Durga Bhabhi told Gandhi that she had come to appeal him to ‘save the lives of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru’, Gandhi told her point blank that ‘he can not do anything in the matters of political violence cases’ and refused intervention. Chandershekhar Azad was desperate to save Bhagat Singh as he thought revolutionary group needed his ideological leadership most urgently. He himself had meeting with Jawaharlal Nehru in Anand Bhawan Allahabad, about which Nehru had narrated in his ‘Autobiography’. Nehru was all sympathetic, but wanted the revolutionaries to go to Moscow to get training in Marxism, he actually contributed some money for this purpose, the project which never could materialize. Jawaharlal Nehru was actually patronizing ‘Bhagat Singh Defense committee’ as well, whose secretary Kumari Lajjawati was Congress activist. Massive meetings and rallies all over Punjab and elsewhere were taken out under the aegis of this defense committee. There was signature campaign all over India to save the lives of young patriots. Record of at least two lakh signatures is preserved even today in National archives Delhi. More than forty thousand signatures are on record on just one petition from Kanpur. All these facts do not find mention in Prof. Datta’s book, when the issue of value of Bhagat Singh’s life is being discussed. The fact that Gandhi did not take into account this popular sentiment of Indian people towards Bhagat Singh does not find mention in the book. Pattabhi Sitaramaya has himself recorded this sentiment in ‘The History of Congress party’ that Bhagat Singh was no less popular than Mahatma Gandhi in those days. Even today if ‘Hindu’ survey finds Bhagat Singh having the approval rate of 64% Indians, ‘India Today’ finds Bhagat Singh at the top of Indian people’s approval rate, while Gandhi is found much down in its approval rate. Indian people rightly think that Bhagat Singh sacrificed his life to defend the dignity of Indian nationhood, which was seriously compromised with the death of Lala Lajpat Rai due to brutal police beatings. While national leaders of Congress party exhorted revolutionary youth to ‘avenge’ this humiliation of Indian nationhood at that time, clever and politically astute leaders like Gandhi diverted the issue from ‘ national dignity’ to that of ‘political violence’
Revolutionaries trusted Moti lal Nehru more in this matter, who passed away on 6th February, 1931 and revolutionaries thought that they lost ’sincere sympathizer’ to their cause. Robert Bernays has been quoted from his book ‘Naked Faquir’ in this chapter in reference to Sarojini Naidu, who had told the author that ‘Bhagat Singh ought to be punished for his crimes, but not by death. After all he is only a rebel.’ (Page 47)In this chapter there is an interesting quote from internationally renowned Urdu poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz that ‘slogan Inqilab Zindabad’ had replaced Bande Matram’ in those days.(Page51) Faiz’s daughter Salima Hashmi had confided to this author that Faiz had heard the pistol shots on 17th December, 1928 from his hostel of Government College Lahore. The college is little away from where Saunders was killed that day.
Lord Irwin has been introduced in next chapter, who was a conservative party man but ‘liberal’. After holding many senior positions he came to India as Viceroy in 1926 and served for five years. Days before he relinquished his charge as Viceroy, the ‘liberal Viceroy’ got Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru executed. In this chapter the author had quoted from editorial of ‘The People’ of 22nd March, 1931, which refers to British civil servants machinations in Punjab, including threat to ‘resign’, if these revolutionaries were not hanged.(Page 64). Prof. Datta refers to the bomb thrown on Viceroy’s train and also Punjab Governor being shot at in Panjab University Lahore convocation by young Harikishan. All these references are fine to analyze and understand, but the concluding paragraph based on these analyses is somewhat intriguing. The author concludes—‘Bhagat Singh had killed a British police officer and the punishment for murder was hanging. In imperial calculations Bhagat Singh was a cold blooded butcher who had committed the murder of a fellow human being. From the British perspective, he was a rebel, a seditionist, a challenger, and wrecker of their system, which they were zealously determined to guard against anarchists like him. Irwin realized that the British life in India was unsafe so long as political militancy was not crushed. Of course, he could not ignore the strong feelings of British bureaucracy in India, and of Home government.’(Page 66-67)
One can understand British colonial viewpoint in this regard, but that does not justify or clarify nationalist response to that viewpoint, which to say the least was pitiably inadequate. Even the historian seems to be reconciled to this perspective that the whole issue revolved around whether Bhagat Singh could live under those circumstances or not. To this reviewer this is most inadequate explanation. It was Bhagat Singh, who more than anyone else, British bureaucracy, Gandhi or Irwin, knew most clearly that ‘he can not live in those prevailing circumstances’, which he made clear in his last letter to his comrades, a day before his execution and he almost chose the path of gallows himself. Injustice done to him, however by nationalist leaders or historians, is to obfuscate his own viewpoint in this whole debate or scenario.
The author has devoted one chapter to Bhagat Singh’s self education, where he admires his personality. He quotes from Motilal and Jawaharlal Nehru to show their admiration as well. Author narrates Bhagat Singh’s life story, particularly of his college days, but he commits a blunder in referring to his first arrest by Punjab police. Author mentions-‘Bhagat Singh was arrested in connection with the Dussehra bomb outrage in 1926, and was locked up in a small cell on 17th December, 1928.’(Page 27) Actually Bhagat Singh was arrested in this case on 29th May 1927 at Lahore and released on bail on 4th July, 1927, full five weeks after his arrest. This is his only arrest by police before his final arrest on 8th April, 1929. Ironically 17th December 1928 was the day, on which Saunders was shot dead. But to be fair to the author, this could be a ‘printers devil’ .In a chapter on ‘The Trial’, author quotes A.G Noorani that ‘ Bhagat singh’s trial was a farce, politically motivated, and the procedures adopted in his prosecution were devious and a ‘negation of justice’.(Page 69) But author’s own narration of this trial does not support Noorani’s contention that strongly. Author is appreciative of Bhagat Singh’s court statement for its ‘elegance, ’lucidity’, ‘cadenced language’, ‘sobriety and seriousness of its theme’, ‘breadth of outlook and loftiness of thought’ etc., but gives its credit strangely to Jawaharlal Nehru, despite admitting that Asaf Ali had admitted only of ‘polishing’ Bhagat Singh’s language. No source had been referred to the authorship of Nehru for this statement except the author’s own imagination that the statement has ‘the striking features of Nehru’s own prose writings’.(Page 74).This shows our academia’s vision of our supreme revolutionary hero, no one wants to recognize his intellectual potential, that is why Bhagat Singh’s transition to Marxist thought is also questioned, despite his own writings as the best proof for that. In this chapter author raises the issue-‘why no eminent lawyer defended Bhagat Singh and his associates in Lahore conspiracy case’. Author even surmises that ‘lawyers wished to keep themselves out of a British police officer’s murder case because they thought that as Bhagat Singh’s counsel they might incur the ire of British bureaucracy and judiciary from which they were accustomed to seeking favors.’(Page 75). One does not know whether to laugh or cry at such observations. The fact of the matter is that the best lawyers of Lahore and from whole country were ready to offer their services and they treated this as a national cause. Lawyers like Asaf Ali, Kailashnath katju, Chanderbhan Gupta, Mohan Lal Saxena etc. had all remained concerned about this trial, including Nehru father and son duo. It was revolutionaries own decision to engage lawyers selectively. By a conscious decision they divided themselves into three groups- one group completely ignored court proceedings, they did not engage any lawyer and practically boycotted court proceedings to show ‘the hollowness of British judicial system’. Another group, which included Bhagat Singh engaged lawyer as to counsel them only and they represented themselves in the court after consulting their counsel on legal points. The third group properly engaged lawyers. Interesting fact is that the fees of revolutionaries counsel’s were paid by British rulers as per their own laws in this regard. Lala Duni Chand, Amolak Ram Kapoor, Prannath Mehta etc. counsels of revolutionaries were among the best lot.
Prof. Datta’s observation on Sukhdev that he was the real brain etc. comes from the fact that this case was registered as ‘ Sukhdev vs. the Crown’. Sukhdev in fact had made the statement to the police when he was arrested, that statement damaged the group a lot. But as Sukhdev refused to become approver and the statement he gave was due to ‘standard police tactics’ of misleading through telling plain lies to the accused. Sukhdev in jail broke his hunger strike midway, when his other comrades suffered a lot. Sukhdev did not have the consistency, patience, farsightedness and suffering capacity of true revolutionary leader, though he was one of the intellectuals and quite well read. His only saving grace has been to go along with his comrades and accept death sentence cheerfully, though he was not part of the conspiracy or actual execution of murder of Saunders. One of the travesties of justice in this case was the death sentence awarded to Sukhdev.
In a small chapter on Karachi Congress held immediately after the execution of Bhagat Singh and his comrades, the author has thrown light on Gandhi’s capacity to face criticism without yielding from his position. Gandhi told emphatically to the press that ‘the commutation of the death sentence these young men ‘was not a part of the truce’ with British’. He faced black flag demonstration and was presented black flowers in Karachi amid the slogans of ‘Go back Gandhi’ and ‘Down with Gandhism’, he was even described as the ‘ally of the British exploiters in India’.(Page 84) Prof. Datta has highlighted that how writers like Prem Chand and Rabindernath Tagore had kept quite on these executions. Gandhi declared in his speech at this congress that ‘the way of violence cannot bring Swaraj; it can lead only to disaster.’(Page 85) But revolutionaries were not fighting to get Swaraj in the country, they wanted to overthrow the system of exploitation and build socialism in due course, which of course would have been disaster for Birlas, Lalchandanis and Thakurs of the country, who funded and supported Gandhi. Author has mentioned about the resolution of condolence passed in the congress as per the wishes of Gandhi, but not the fact that how narrow was the difference in voting on revolution. In a full fledged book on Karachi Congress, which was banned by British rule, Jitmal Lunia had given details of parallel meetings of Naujwan Bharat Sabha, in which all the fiery leaders of Congress party had participated including Subhash Bose, Nehru, Ghaffar Khan and Madan mohan Malviya etc. The chapter gives figure of Rupees 18 lakhs given by Birla for the congress and promise of Rs. 30 lakhs to attend Round Table Conference in London for congress delegation. To placate left-wingers like Nehru and Subhash Bose, Gandhi got resolution of ‘Fundamental Rights and Economic Change’ passed in this session, which gave a little pro poor and democratic color to Congress social programme. But how much he depreciated Bhagat Singh was the letter Gandhi wrote to Mehta Anand Kishore on 26th June 1931, in which he refused to associated with building any memorial to Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev.(Page 90) Mehta Anand Kishore had been Congress activist of long standing and close family friend of S. Kishan Singhj, father of Bhagat Singh. In fact the first Lahore Conspiracy case in 1915 against Ghadar party activists was registered as ‘Mehta Anand Kishore vs. the Crown’. Mehta was acquitted in this case, in which Kartar Singh Sarabha and Vishnu Ganesh Pingley like uoung patriots were executed.
Comrade Ramchandra, President of ‘Naujwan Bharat Sabha’ in 1926 has given a lucid detail of how Congress party had sabotaged the Naujwan Bharat Sabha’s plan to build suitable memorial to three martyrs in Lahore. The plan was chalked during Karachi Congress itself, but Congress party used Bhagat Singh’s father Kishan Singh to throttle the plan. Congress party promised to build the memorial on its own and Mehta Anand Kishore , a Congress activist and friend of Kishan Singh was made General Secretary of All India Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, Sukhdev memorial society, on whose behalf Mehta wrote to Gandhi for issuing an appeal to raise funds for the memorial. Gandhi’s response to this letter killed the whole plan. This act on the part of Gandhi show that how Congress party used these young men, when the honor of country was at stake and after gaining ground, ironically due to public sympathy for the young revolutionaries, Congress disowned the patriotic acts of these revolutionaries as ‘political violence’, thus keeping themselves aloof, but reaping the fruits of their sacrifice to get concessions from British colonial bureaucracy.
In ‘Conclusion’, Prof. Datta has rather absolved not only Gandhi, but even Irwin for the execution of the revolutionaries because it was beyond Irwin and Gandhi to save these lives as ‘they were not free and independent enough to do whatever they wished as commonly assumed. They had to act within the framework of the British imperial system operating in the country’.(Page 93) One can very well understand Irwin’s role as British imperial system’s representative, but unwittingly the author has ascribed this uncanny aspect to Gandhi’s personality and position as well, which many analysts including revolutionaries, then and now say with force of logic. Prof. Datta has also shown that leaving aside the issue of Bhagat Singh’s death sentence, Gandhi could not even stick to his position of abolishing capital punishment altogether, which almost all the democrats then and now support world over, which make his moral position further week. There is another error of dates in this chapter, ‘Why I am an Atheist’ was published in ‘The People’ of Lahore in the weekly issue of 27th September, 1931 and not on 31st September as mentioned. In this chapter author had again expressed doubts on Bhagat Singh’s English writings and he ascribes their ‘amendment’ to Asaf Ali, despite denial by Asaf Ali himself. He doubts even the authorship of articles attributed to him still as ‘mystery’.(Page 95)
Had he seen the proceedings of Bhagat Singh case, this would not have remained mystery to him. In continuing exhibition in Supreme Court Museum at New Delhi on ‘The Trial of Bhagat Singh’, number of such letters in Bhagat Singh’s own handwriting are on display there with no sign of Asaf Ali ‘amending’ or ‘polishing’ these. One may not find even a spelling error in those letters written in beautiful handwriting of Bhagat Singh.
In Recollections’ after conclusion, author has referred to his meeting with Partap Singh, who narrates the story that though Irwin has decided to commute the death sentence at Gandhi’s request, due to Dr. Muhammad Alam, a CWC member’s premature revelation to public had made Irwin order the execution. These are the kind of folk tales created after such incidents. Prof. Datta also like Kuldip Nayar has taken undue interest in the later life of Hans Raj Vohra , who had turned approver in the case and who died in Washington as journalist after living a long life. There were seven approvers in the case, out of which Phaninder Ghosh was murdered in Bihar and Baikunth Shukal was executed for that. Jaigopal was shot at in Maharashtra’s Jalgaon court by Bhagwan Das Mahour and Sadashiv Malkapurkar. Jaigopal was also hit on head with chappal by Premdutt, youngest member of revolutionary group in the court, since he was provoking the revolutionaries by ridiculing them. But none of other approvers were subjected to any kind of misbehavior on the part of revolutionaries in jail or outside. They understood perfectly that not all can stand up to police tortures. Hans Raj Vohra felt guilty and ashamed even during the trial, but his parents being of high class could get him out of country. Had Vohra written his accounts, some truth could have come out about police methods of brutality.
By this presentation of Bhagat Singh, it would look as if he achieved nothing or left no legacy, rather negative legacy in Gandhi’s terms. But the fact is that Bhagat Singh, exposed British imperial system as a system of exploitation and oppression to the core. How one would explain the ‘Jallianwala Bagh’ episode of British colonial system, the single most brutal incident, in which as per Congress fact finding team repost more than one thousand Indians were mowed down by General Dyer’s orders, out of which more than four hundred and fifty names are being in the process of putting on record now in the memorial itself. Since no justice was done to the brutal killer of people, Udham Singh had to go London to shot dead Michael O’dwyer, after 21 years of the incident, who as Governor of Punjab defended Dyer. Udham Singh was also hanged in London like Madan Lal Dhingra earlier, would anyone say that since the Jallianwala bagh killing was part of imperial system, so there was no need to bring the culprits to book. Were Scott or Saunders even questioned once for brutally hitting Lala Lajpat Rai, an old man and respected national leader. Or in neo colonial/imperial times, has any court summoned Bush and Blair for causing more than six lakh murders in Iraq and committing worst crimes against humanity, as committed earlier by Hitler and Mussolini?
Whatever Gandhi may think or the historians influenced by him may analyze, for common people of the country Bhagat Singh and Udham Singh had defended the dignity of the nation. In political movements, when movements win who counts the killings during the process of movement. Can anyone dare to book Prachanda today for political killings or earlier Castro or Che Guvera. Yes the colonialists and imperialists have always called Marx, Lenin, Mao, Castro, Che Guvera etc. with all kinds of names, yet their role to liberate the people of the world from exploitation and oppression will remain a beacon light of all liberation movements in the world. Bhagat Singh’s name also falls in that revolutionary legacy. The revolutionary legacy of not only India, but of the struggling people of the whole world. That is why, despite all political contradictions between India and Pakistan, Bhagat Singh is as much loved in Pakistan as in India. In fact one of the major Urdu writers of Pakistan, Zahida Hina has recently described Bhagat Singh as ‘the tallest martyr of Pakistan’.
Bhagat Singh and Udham Singh like national heroes did not need reprieve, they did need the proper appreciation of their deed by fellow countrymen—politicians, scholars and common people alike. Common people do understand and appreciate them for their noble deeds, but it is the politicians and sometimes some scholars, who want to defend the system and in the process misconstrue the history. But as Bhagat Singh was fond of being a phoenix, he comes alive as many times he is burnt by colonialists or their defenders.
However Prof. Datta must be complimented for bringing out many important documents and facts, whose interpretation can be different.

Chaman Lal
Professor and Chairperson
Centre of Indian Languages
Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi-110067
Mob.-09868774820
Emai—prof.chaman@gmail.com

Some English books on Kartar Singh Sarabha and Ghadar party

2010-07-01T08:27:00.000-07:00

This is part of bibliography of my monograph on Kartar Singh Sarabha, published by National Book Trust of India, New Delhi in Hindi and Punjabi and likely to come soon in English.List of Hindi and Punjabi books could not be visible,so I had to remove the list

English Books:

1. G. C. Ismonger and J. Slattery, ‘An Account of the Ghadar Conspiracy’, Archna Prakashan, Meerut, 1998

2. L. B. Mathur, ‘Indian Revolutionaries in the USA’, S. Chand & Co., 1970

3. Malini Sood, ‘Ghadar Party in North America’, Garland Publisher, New York, 2000

4. Dharam Vir, ‘Lal (Lala) Hardyal and the Review of his Times’, Indian Book Company, New Delhi, 1970

5. Emily C. Brown, ‘Hardyal : Hindu Revolutionary & Rationalist’, Manohar, Delhi. 1975

6. Jaswant & Shubh Pal, ‘Hardyal’, Rolli Books, Delhi, 2005

7. Sohan Singh Josh, ‘Hindustan Ghadar party: A Short History’, (2 vols.) P. P. H., Delhi 1976/78

8. Sohan Singh Josh, ‘Tragedy of Kamagatamaru’, P.P.H., Delhi, 1975.

9. Arun Kumar Bose, ‘Indian Revolutionaries Abroad’, Bharti Bhawan, Patna, 1971

10. Tilak Raj Sareen, ‘Indian Revolutionaries Abroad’, Sterling, Delhi 1979

11. Tilak Raj Sareen, ‘Selected Documents of the Ghadar Party’, Mounto, Delhi, 1969

12. G. S. Deol, ‘The Role of Ghadar Party in the National Movement’, Sterling, Delhi, 1969

13. A. B. Ganguly, ‘Ghadar Revolution in America’, Metropolitan Books, Delhi, 1980

14. Khushwant Singh & Satindra Singh, ‘Ghadar 1915 : Indian’s First armed Revolution’, R. K. Publishing, Delhi, 1966

15. H. K. Puri, ‘Ghadar Movement’, G.N.D. University Press, Amritsar.

16. R.A. Ulyanovsky (ed), ‘Revolutionaries of India in Soviet Union’, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1973/83

17. Lord Hardinge, ‘My Indian Years’ (1910-16), London, 1948.

18. Michael O’Dwyer, ‘Indian As I Knew it’, London, 1925

19. J.M. Carr, ‘Political Trouble in India (1907-17)’, GOI, Oriental Publishers, Delhi, 1973

20. H. W. Hale, ‘Terrorism in India’ (1917-36), GOI, Delhi, 1974

21. Teggart, ‘Terrorism in India’, GOI, Delhi, 1932

22. GOI, ‘The Ghadar Directory 1917’, GOI, Delhi, 1917

23. GOI, (P.U., Patiala), ‘The Ghadar Directory 1934’, GOI, Delhi, 1934

24. M.S. Waraich/Harinder Singh, ‘War Against King Emperor “ Ghadar of 1914-15’, Bhai Randhir Singh Trust Ludhiana, 2001.

25. M.S. Waraich/GS Sidhu, ‘Komagtamaru: (Documents)’, Uni Star, Chandigarh, 2005

26. N. Gerald Barrier, ‘Banned Controversial Literature (1907-47)’, Manohar, Delhi, 1976

27. G. S. Muhay, ‘A Zeal for Martyrdom (Kartar Singh Sarabha)’, Lahore Book Shop, Ludhiana, 2005

28. P. B. Sinha, ‘Indian National Liberation Movement & Russia’, Sterling, Delhi, 1975

29. M. N. Roy, ‘Memoires’, Allied Bombay, 1964

30. Hardas Bal Shastri, ‘Armed Struggle for Freedom’, Kal Prakashan, Pune, 1958

31. Kalyan Kumar Bannerjee, ‘Indian Freedom Revolutionaries in America’, Jijnasa, Kolkata, 1969

32. Raja Mahendra Pratap, ‘My Life Story of 55 years’, 1947

33. S.A. Waiz (ed), ‘Indians Abroad’ (Documents), Bombay, 1927

34. Nahar Singh & Kirpal Singh, ‘Struggle for Free Hindustan’ (Ghadar Movement in 3 vols.), Atlantic/Nirmal 1986, Delhi, 1988

35. Darshan S. Tatla, ‘Ghadar Movement: A Guide to Sources’, GND University, Amritsar, 2003

36. Mark Juergensmeyer, ‘The Ghadar Syndrome : Ethnic Anger & National Pride’, ‘Population Studies’ 1981

37. Juergensmeyer/Barrier, ‘Sikh Studies’, Berkely, 1979

Bhagat Singh Ke Syasi Dastavez-Urdu

2010-05-11T06:34:00.000-07:00

It is one of the happiest days of life.My long awaited book from National Book Trust of India,New Delhi-'Bhagat Singh ke Syasi Dastavez' in Urdu translation has come out.I was most keen to get this book in Urdu,translated from my original Hindi book to publish soon.It came after three year of its Hindi publication.One of my friends in Kolkata was so much annoyed with NBT that why they are not publishing Bhagat Singh's 'Why I am an Atheist,with introduction by Prof. Bipan Chandra,eminent historian of modern India and current Chairman of National Book Trust of India.He was thinking that its Urdu publication was being avoided to appease minority religious fundamentalists, who would be potential readers of the book.I used to assure him that it was not deliberate delay,it was just procedural and nothing more should be seen in it.Now this book with my editing and introduction contains not only 'Why I am an Atheis',but most of Bhagat Singh's other major writings,around fifty, along with about thirty pages from his 'Jail Notebook' in English,which contains a plan for his new book,are reproduced in this book.I wanted this book to reach my Pakistan friends,many of whom are great admirers of Bhagat Singh.In fact the younger generation in Pakistan is curious to know about Bhagat Singh and Che Guvera and they are fascinated by their images.Hope this book shall be able to satisfy their curiosity and help them to understand Bhagat Singh better as a mature political thinker of South Asia.

Remembering Martyrs of Delhi Bomb Case-1912

2010-05-09T01:16:00.000-07:00

Remembering Martyrs of Delhi Bomb Case-1912

It was on 23rd December 1912,when capital of India,which was shifted from Calcutta to Delhi in 1911,by British colonial rulers,Governor General of India Lord Harding went on elephant through Delhi bazars to exhibit British power in newly established capital.Under the guidance of Ras Behari Bose,the great revolutionary nationalist, young revolutionaries threw bomb on Lord Harding near Chandni chowk.Though Harding escaped with injuries,four brave young men of India-Master Amir Chand, Awadh Behari,Bhai Balmukund and Basant Kumar Biswal were arrested and sentenced to death.Ras Behari Bose escaped police net.Master Amir Chand,Avadh Behari and Bhai Balmukund were executed on 8th May 1915 in Delhi jail,which has now become Maulana Azad medical College on Bahadursha Zafar road in Delhi.Its front gate faces Khooni Darwaza and Ferozeshah Kotla grounds.In Khooni Darwaza two sons of Bahadur Shah Zafar in 1857 war of independence were massacred and their heads were sent to Emperor Zafar in Lal Qila on a plate.Ferozeshah Kotla ground was the location of historic meeting organized by Bhagat Singh and Comrades on 8&9th September 1928, where socialist programme for revolution was first evolved at the initiative of Bhagat Singh.
A small memorial,with bad accessibility is built inside medical college now,few people reach there to pay tributes.Incidentally Bhagat Singh and B K Dutt were kept here in Delhi jail cell, after they threw bombs in Central Assembly(Parliament) on 8th April,1929.Basant Kumar Biswal was executed in Ambala central jail on 9th May 1915.Biswal was 23 year old young from Benagal.The day Bhai Balmukund was executed,same day his wife Ram Ratti expired,who was almost fastin with his husband.Bhai Balmukuund was from the family tree of Bhai Matidas,who was martyred along with ninth Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur in Delhi by Aurangzeb.
Ras Behari Bose again guided Ghadar party movement from Lahore in 1914-15,again escaped in nick of time,reaching Japan,where he finally joined Netaji Subhash Bose's Azad Hind Fauj.
Bhagat Singh wrote sketches of these four brave martyrs in Punjabi journal 'Kirti' in September 1928 and paid rich tributes to them.I remember them with great respect.Photos of four revolutionaries are available on my facebookwall in album on Indian revolutionaries.Jail memorial and Khooni Darwaza photos also might be on my wall.
Updated 14 minutes ago · Comment · Like

A fantastic report on Bhagat Singh from Pakistan-courtesy-Tehlka

2010-04-25T08:06:00.000-07:00

A common hero
Bhagat Singh's legacy of liberty and social justice is being invoked by Pakistani civil society to fight for their rights.

Wednesday, April 21, 2010
On March 23, there was a commemorative event in Lahore that ran contrary to the "official" discourse of the country's history -- or rather, it was disowned altogether. Nevertheless, it cuts through Pakistan's admixture of religiosity and nationalism.

Some 30 defiant demonstrators stood for hours in the middle of Shadman Chowk, an affluent neighbourhood in old Lahore, through the afternoon, braving the scorching sun. The demonstrators comprised students from various universities of Lahore, civil society activists, factory workers, communists and even little children.

It was at the same spot 79 years ago that Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev were executed by the British government on March 23. The gallows of the nearby camp jail were housed here at the time. What remains now is a small roundabout with a fountain.

Holding placards and chanting such slogans as 'Zinda hai, Bhagat zinda hai' (Bhagat is still alive), 'We salute Bhagat Singh', 'Har zulm ka ek jawab, inquilab inquilab' (Revolution is the answer to all oppression), they demanded that the Chowk be renamed Shaheed Bhagat Singh Chowk and declared a national heritage site. The protesters even installed a red signboard that read "Shaheed Bhagat Singh Chowk". The organisers of the event said they decided to install the signboard themselves after requests to the local Nazim (mayor) and the government to do so went unheeded for years. The protesters remained there till sunset and departed after a candlelight vigil.

"Reviving Bhagat Singh's ideals is a necessity in Pakistan, where masses live in abject poverty and suffer from religious intolerance and imperialism," says Sonya Qadir, a student activist and participant. "His legacy is a reminder that we are all human and deserve to be free from all oppression."

This was no isolated event. The figure of Bhagat Singh, despite being ignored in all mainstream textbooks, has long been regarded as a symbol of resistance by a variety of groups across Pakistan. On March 23 last year, at a seminar on the subject of missing persons in Lahore, Punjab University student Amir Jalal walked up to the dais and delivered an impromptu lecture on Bhagat Singh's execution and sacrifice. As he finished, the audience observed a moment's silence in his memory.

"Bhagat too is a missing person and we need to find him in order to find ourselves," says Jalal, a PhD student. "I felt compelled to speak out about him." Jalal used to be the convener of the now defunct University Students' Federation (USF), formed in 2008 to oppose the Islami-Jamiat-e-Tulba (IJT), the student wing of the Islamic hardline group, Jamaat-e-Islami. Punjab University has been an IJT stronghold since it was installed during President Zia-ul-Haq's dictatorship to suppress progressive, left-leaning and peace-loving student organisations. The USF brought this to the attention of the government and media, forcing the government to take action. Jalal adds: "The USF endorsed the values of secularism, pluralism and democracy. We drew our inspiration from the ideals of Bhagat Singh, among others. We often discussed him during our study circles."

In Pakistan-administered Kashmir, a vibrant student movement represents the aspirations of thousands of Kashmiri youngsters. It is called the Jammu Kashmir National Students Federation (JKNSF) and is a vocal opponent of jihadi camps in the region. The outfit never finds a mention in the mainstream Pakistani media. Many of its activists have allegedly been abducted by agencies in the past.

JKNSF posters featuring pictures of Bhagat Singh and Che Guevara are a common sight at most rallies. Danish Khan, a Kashmiri student, says: "For most outsiders this is a unique phenomenon, but for the youth of Kashmir the life and struggle of Bhagat Singh is a source of inspiration and motivation. They see Pakistan as an occupying force just as Bhagat saw the British."

In Balochistan, five military operations have been carried out against the nationalists. Thousands of Baloch activists have been picked up and remain missing. This year, some members of the Baloch Students Organisation gathered at Shadman Chowk to pay homage to Bhagat Singh, who is a source of inspiration to them too.

Students and Leftist organizations aren't the only ones endorsing Bhagat Singh' ideals. Throughout the lawyers' movement (2007-2009), responsible for the ouster of President Pervez Musharraf and politicisation of a large cross-section of Pakistani society, Bhagat Singh's slogans and the poems he would often recite -- such as Ram Prasad Bismil's Sarfaroshi ki Tammana -- were often heard during the rallies.

Umer Chaudhry, a young lawyer from Lahore who was at the forefront of the protests, says: "In our part of the subcontinent, we conveniently forget the role played by non-Muslims in the struggle against British colonialism. The same fate befell Bhagat Singh. That he was supported by [Muhammad Ali] Jinnah is never mentioned in the textbooks. It is not surprising though. Bhagat Singh, a symbol of resistance, could never be the hero of a government that doesn't represent its people."

In the search for an identity, many have gone outside the decadent ideologies manufactured by the status quo. One such search -- for an ethos of peace and an end to religious intolerance and liberty from oppression -- manifests itself in the adoption of Bhagat Singh's ideals and the revisiting of his legacy by many Pakistanis. It won't come as a surprise if in the coming years more Pakistanis discover Bhagat Singh and begin to question the social order of things. If that happens, then we might even succeed in rescuing these valuable figures from obscurity and make their ideals a reality.

-- Younas Chowdhry younas.chowdhry@gmail.com

Rememebering Bhagat Singh and Dr. Ambedkar in Begu sarai-Bihar

2010-04-18T05:58:00.000-07:00

If one travels around India, one would find many such libraries, which were established during freedom struggle to spread consciousness of national movement against British colonialism Not only libraries, many national schools and colleges were established to provide alternative education with stress on national heritage. Dwarka Dass Library and National college Lahore were some such institutions established during 1920's. Kashi Vidyapeeth Benaras and another in Ahmedabad were also such. In my own town Rampura Phul in Bathinda district of Punjab, Public Library was established by people active in national movement.If any one institution can be given credit my my mental liberation from traditional yokes of thought, I will name Public Library Rampura Phul, though later in life, I have got the chance to know some of the best libraries of the world like Nehru Memorial Museum and Library to Indian Institute of Advanced Study Library Shimla. Marwari Library in Delhi and many more are shining examples of library movement in India.
This time I visited Begusarai district of Bihar to deliver lectures on Bhagat Singh and Dr. Ambedkar on 13th and 14th April,These were hot days, but pleasant part of the whole trip was to visit two libraries established by democratic movement. One Viplav Pustkalaya, Godhargaon near Begusarai and another comrade Chandershekhar smark pustkalaya Beehat village near Brauni town, close to Begusarai.While Viplav Pustkalaya(Rebellious Library) in Godhargaon was established in 1986 by Communist Party of India(CPI), so was Com. Chandershekhar memorial library in Beehat recently. On my way back to Patna, saw one such library in Fatuha town established in 1944.
Libraries play a major role in spreading consciousness among people in small towns and villages for changing the society.Knowledge is the most effective tool to prepare people for change and libraries provide space for that.For leftist movement in any Asian country, perhaps elsewhere too, establishing libraries and providing good books and infra structure there, is the task of democratic movement.Ghadar party activists established Desh Bhagat yadgar Hall and library in Jalandhar in 1960's. Shiv Verma, close comrade of Bhagat Singh and life convict in that case established Shaheed Smark library in Lucknow in a college and school run by Durga Bhabhi. Thakur Ram Singh another revolutionary comrade of that movement, who passed away at the age of 104 years at Agra recently, established Bhagat Singh memorial library in Agra. Even some good intentioned Police officers established Paash Library in police lines Karnal in Haryana in memory of slain policemen by Khalistanis.
At Beehat village in Bhagat Singh memorial function I spoke about Jallianawala Bagh's Khooni Baisakhi(Bloody Baisakhi of 1919), along with talking about Bhagat singh's philosophy of national liberation. I announced there that I am committing my royalty on 10 plus books on revolutionary freedom movement in Hindi, Punjabi and English to these 6-7 libraries established in memory of revolutionaries. It was a simple gathering of five hundred plus ordinary working people of the area, including some women, who listened to me for more than one hour in pin drop silence.They later expressed the desire that they wanted to listen me more. It was my 41st lecture in memory of Bhagat Singh, starting from 2006, 75th martyrdom anniversary of Bhagat Singh. It seems that kind of narrative style I had developed during this period, goes well with the audience in villages, towns and big cities as well.
Next day in the same place, I spoke on Dr. Ambedkar memorial function organized by same Student Club of Beehat ,under influence of CPI.Here I spoke on the need of inter caste and inter religious marriages at wide level as task of democratic movement to weed out the poison of casteism and communalism from society, which was the advise of Dr. Ambedkar as well Chandereshwari Singh, President of Bihar AITUC was the spirit behind these functions.Though with CPI, he seems to be quite radical. Photographs of Che Guvera were on display along with Indian revolutionaries photos and he spoke also about Che Guvera feelingly. Shatrughan Prasad, two times CPI member Parliament from the area was also present and in fact, he took me to Viplav Library Godargaon later. He had earlier invited me to Patna in year 2007 or 08 in a big function attended by Com A.B.Bardhan, Gen. Secretary of CPI.
In Viplav Library Godhargaon, statue of Bhagat Singh welcomes you at the entry. At the square towards library, a huge full size statue of Chandershekhar Azad has come up recently.In adjoining building, statue of Prem Chand and poet Meera Bai is there.Collection of books and pictures of writers is fantastic in the library. Many eminent personalities have visited this library if far flung area of Bihar. Bihar has better reading habits than all other states of North India and among Hindi or Urdu speaking states.
I shall attach some photographs of libraries later to this note or in a separate album.

Rememebering Khooni Baisakhi of Jallianwala Bagh Amritsar-13th April 1919

2010-04-11T02:06:00.000-07:00

Magazine section of Punjabi Tribune today moved me so much that my eyes got moistened.Had my eyes shed tears literally also, I would not have felt ashamed, rather it would have given me the feeling that my sensitivities have not yet been turned into stone by the onslaught of crudest consumerist society being built in the name of new liberal economy by neo colonial and imperialist powers of the world.Since Varinder Walia became editor of 'Punjabi tribune' few months ago, he has brought radical and pleasant changes into the contents of this daily from Tribune group.Today's four page magazine section ifs focused on the most oppressive tragedy of British colonial regime of nearly 200 years(1757-1947) in India, also of Pakistan and Bangla Desh of today.
It was on 13th April, 1919,Baisakhi day that General Dyer has killed hundreds of people from Amritsar and surrounding areas,who have gathered to listen and protest against Rowlatt Act, an oppressive legislation being enacted by British colonial regime of that time.It all started from with the 'Sedition Committee' report prepared under Rowlatt itself and published in 1918, which listed the revolutionary(terrorist in British terms) nationalist movements of the country at that time.Starting from killing of cruel British officer Rand in Pune, after the outbreak of plague in 1897, the report has listed Bengal division and revolutionary activities of Anushilan and Jugantar in Bengal, Ghadar party in Punjab etc. and recommended strict laws,accordingly Rowlat act was prepared.Nationalist movement resisted throughout country and in Punjab, after strike of 30th March,when Mahatma Gandhi was not allowed to enter Punjab, situation became explosive.British deceitfully arrested Dr. Saifudin Kitchlew and Dr. Satya Pal on 10th April,invited to his office by then Deputy Commissioner for discussion,leaders of the movement. Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, showing exemplary unity, drank water from same glasses and took food together and gathered in Jallianwala Bagh, adjoining Golden Temple on 13th April,1919.It has a narrow gate even today and area is congested residential area.When Hans raj, an activist was addressing, around 5 p.m. in the evening, Gen. Dyer, who has encircled the Bagh from all sides and closed the only exit gate ordered fire straight on the bodies of people.One can imagine the scene. British Government of the day with Punjab governor O'Dwyer at that time, itself first admitted of 291 deaths, later in Hunter commission inquiry in London admitted more than 300 killings.Despite hue and cry all over the world,Hunter Commission gave no punishment to Dyer, however he got afflicted with so many diseases that he did not survive beyond 1927 and died on 23rd July that year, as per his family, he died of 'heart break'.Nigel Collett, his biographer, gave the title of his biography-'The Butcher of Amritsar'-General Reginald Dyer,this was published in India by Rupa in 2005.
Congress party, which instituted its own enquiry committee on this ghastly massacre, could start functioning only in Novemebr 1919 and as per its voluminous report in two parts, republished by National Book Trust and Nehru memorial Museum and Library New Delhi, assesses more than one thousand deaths.Sewa samiti Amritsar of that time insisted that they had cremated more than 500 bodies, the substantial number of Muslims and Sikhs remained outside its count.Now Govt. of India has assigned ICHR to have the count of deaths.Punjab Govt and some others have got names of more than 400 persons on record.Raja Ram in his Punjab University Chandigarh publication has listed 381 names in 1969 first edition of his book. Ram Singh Majitha has listed 406 names of martyrs in his Punjabi language publication in 1988,this includes 200 plus Hindu names,80 plus Muslim names and 120 plus Sikh names, including two women.One can very well imagine that how Punjabi society in 1919 was integrated at religious level, later developments have made it disintegrate, leading to its tragic division, against the wishes of common people.
Jallianwala Bagh massacre was seen by Udham Singh, who was 15 or 16 years at that time and was in an orphanage in Amritsar, it is he, who avenged the massacre in 1940,full 21 years later in London, by shooting Micheal O'Dwyer, Governor of Punjab in 1919.The hated Dyer was already dead in 1927.Udham Singh was executed on 31st July 1940 in London.Jallianawala Bagh was also visited by 12 year old Bhagat Singh, who was a student at Lahore in those days and he brought the blood stained earth from the Bagh, which is still preserved in Bhagat Singh memorial museum at Nawanshehar, now called Shaheed Bhagat Singh Nagar in east Punjab.
In today's Punjabi tribune magazine, full booklet of long poem written by famous Punjabi novelist Nanak Singh at that time under the title-'Khooni Baisakhi' has been reproduced.This was perhaps first Punjabi publication, which was proscribed by British government at that time. I wish that 'Sanjh'. 'Pancham' or other Punjabi journals in Pakistan transliterate in Persian script and publish it there.It is really moving poem.
in a seminar on Dr.Ambedkar, held in Lahore by Sir Ganga Ram foundation on 13th April 2007, I had started my address by saying that ' as the earth of Lahore is pious for me or other Indians, because it has the executions of Bhagat Singh, Kartar Singh Sarabha and so many other revolutionaries in its jail, now demolished, so is Amritsar pious for Pakistanis, as the blood of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs was shed together here on 13th April 1919'.Audience got so emotional that so many people hugged me after the programme was over.Now every incident of police brutality in India is called-'another Jallianawala bagh', such is the symbolic value of that place.India, Pakistan and Bangla desh should commemorate Jallianawala Bagh every year jointly, as it is part of their joint tradition of struggle for freedom, as was 1857 revolt, which unfortunately has been commemorated separately by all three in its 150th anniversary in 2007.
I am posting an album of Jallianwala Bagh separatel

Inqlab Zindabad-Long Live Revolution

2010-04-10T23:34:00.001-07:00

Inqlab Zindabad

Tuesday, 23 March 2010 at 17:41 | Delete

It is 23rd March now on the clock-the most significant day for revolutionary movement of not only India,but for whole of South Asia, at least as important for Pakistan as for India.The greatest martyr of both India and Pakistan held the head of dignity of indian nation of 1931 and revolutionary movement of the whole world, high, with the resounding sounds of ‘Inqlab Zindabad’ and Down with Imperialism’.The event made the British colonialism hang its head in shame before the brave three-Bhagat singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev!

Bhagat Singh birth place in Chak No. 105,Bange Faislabad

Bhagat singh Primary School in Chak No. 105

Bradlaugh Hall,including National College Lahore,where Bhagat singh studied

SSP office Lahore,here Saundres was killed on 17 December 1928

DAV College Kanpur hostel, here Bhagat Singh stayed with Shiv Verma and Rajguru

Chhaju Ram haveli in Calcutta, where Bhagat Singh stayed in Dec. 1928 Congress session

In Arya Samaj Mandir Calcutta, near College street,Bhagat Singh stayed in this room,though it was tinshed in 1928

Ancestral house of Bhagat Singh family in Khatkar Kalan village near Banga in Nawan Shehar now Shaheed Bhagat singh Nagar

Phansighat, now Shadman Chowk Lahore, where on 23rd March,1931,Bhagat Singh,rajguru and Sukhdev were executed.Here today Diep saeeda and her comrades are gathering to pay tributes to martyrs

Four real pictures of Bhagat Singh

Yesterday amarjit chandan sent a link of Aajkal Urdu daily from Lahore with the question that ‘whether Bhagat Singh came to my dreams ever?’ Since I went to bed only after it struck 23rd March and put a small note for the day on facebook and blog,I kept on thinking to update the note with photographs, so I am doing it now,have posted some rare photographs on facebook.

I am trying to imagine the three days of March 1931.On 20th March Bhagat Singh wrote to Governor of Punjab, daring him to send firing squad in order to shoot them, as they were ‘war prisoners’, since the war was on between Indian nation and British colonialism.On 22nd March Bhagat singh wrote a letter to his Comrades, exhorting them to continue the struggle, though they will face immense hardships,more than dyeing; living and struggling will be much difficult…And what on 23rd itself,I presume they all three slept well in the night, after singing revolutionary songs.They knew only about 24th March as the day of execution.At the time of meetings, Pran Nath Mehta their friend and advocate brought the book on or by Lenin as sought by Bhagat singh , a day earlier.In all likelihood Pran Nath Mehta must have informed Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev that all their families have refused to avail the last meeting with them, though all three families were present in Lahore that day for the last meeting. Rajguru’s poor mother traveled all the way from Maharshtra to be with his son.Sukhdev’s mother was there with Sukhdev’s uncle Lala Achint Ram Thapar, who was like a father to Sukhdev after the death of his father earlier.Jail authorities refused permission to Lala Achint Ram to accompany them for the last meeting, due to ‘not being blood relation’.To protest against this, the all three families refused to avail the meeting.I was trying to gauge the pain of three mothers, particulary of Rajguru’s poor mother, who came all the way from a village near Pune in Maharashtra,who has not got many chances to meet her son during the trial, being far away.At least Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev families had many chances to meet them,being in Punjab.Bhagat singh was worried that at last meeting his mother may not cry, so he advised her not to come,she did come,but now showing examplary courage bear pain, refused to see their sons for last time, exposing British colonial regime’s cruelty in its worst form.

Bhagat Singh could understood everything,when Bogha, dalit jail worker came ,Bhagat singh asked him to cook lunch for them.In 1931, Bogha cried,he can’t commit this ’sin’ to cook for ‘high caste’,but bhagat singh told him that before going to gallows, he has to eat from the hands of ‘Bebe’, they used to call Bogha, bebe(mother), since like mother he cleansed their shit.Bhagat singh had his way and got his last food from ‘Bebe’.Then he started reading Lenin and around four jail warder Chatar Singh requested them to take bath,could not explain anything except crying.Bhagat singh understood ‘time is up’. they got ready for the ‘last and final journey’.Bhagat singh again continued reading lenin book, when around six, the jail staff came to fetch them,Bhagat singh smiled and said-’wait for a while’, ‘let me finish this page-a revolutionary is meeting another revolutionary, don’t spoil the beauty of their meeting’ .they waited.

All three arms in arms, singing started moving towards gallows.bhagat singh’s weight has increased by ten pounds, with the expectation of execution, mind ‘exepectation and not apprehension’, as he was so happy and excited to sacrifice his life for the country and people, in order to awaken them.i sometime wonder whether we shall celebrate 23 March with happiness or express sorrow as many people do.Bhagat singh would have said-Celebrate your struggles on this day, don’t spread gloom, be cheerul and strong.

At 7.p.m or around, they were at gallows,Bhagat singh refused to wear the black cloth on his face and told British officer-you are lucky to see how happily Indians go to gallows for the nation.Saddam hussain was not the first to go to gallows with uncovered face, Bhagat singh was the first one.

And what did the British after the executions were over. Scared of people’s anger, gathered at jail gate, the news spread fast.They mutiliated the bodies by cutting these into pieces, put into stacks and took from back gate towards hussainiwala, had burnt the bodies with kerosene oil with some Pandit/Granthi around from Kasur. Large number of people walking bby foot collected the half burnt body pieces,brought to Lahore and a lakh people joined in funeral march to Ravi bank in Lahore on 24th March evening.Thus ended the saga of one of bravest men and patriot of history at the age of 23 years and five months plus.

Today i had to decline many invitations on Bhagat singh memorial programmes from Allahabad, Nagpur, delhi, Patiala, Chandigarh,begusarai and from Jhunjhunu in Rajsthan ,where a statue of Bhagat Singh is being inaugurated.My heart though is at Phansighat Lahore, where at 4.pm, many activists are gathering to pay homage to the great martyrs of both India and Pakistan. My greetings to all revolutionary people anywhere in the world on this great day and best tribute to Bhagat Singh and Che Guvera is to shout with them-Inqlab Zindabad’, Down with Imperialism(Neo colonialism)’ and Socialist movement revival zindabad.Long Live revolution and Long Live Socialism.
Inqlab Zindabad-Part-II
Writing Inqlab Zindabad on 23rd March, I wrote that I would write part two of it, so now trying to jot it down.I wish to share here that what brought me closer to Bhagat Singh in my life.After passing Matriculation in my home town Rampura Phul in rather low marks, I was almost lost in wilderness. there was no college in those days in town and father was not in a position to support my college education in nearby towns-Bathinda or Barnala at equal distance of thirty kilometers on opposite sides, where the colleges were located.My father, a petty trader, always under some debt,did not join as School teacher,being middle pass in his days, due to 'little pay', had no such sensitivity to educate his children by all means.Under the circumstances, Public Library Rampura Phul took me out of the morose by opening a whole new world of literary creativity before me. Started with Munshi Prem Chand's 'Godan', I could never settle for lower level of literary creation, that's why Punjabi novels did not bind me as much, as Hindi ones and translations of Indian and world classics in Hindi.After a while, became member of Hind Pocket Books Delhi's scheme of 'Readers Club', getting nine rupees worth books in eight rupees, with postage free.And one book in one rupee by Manmath Nath Gupt-'Bharat Ke Krantikari' having 16 or 18 sketches, including of Bhagat Singh brought my first encounter with revolutionary freedom fighters. Manmath Nath Gupt, who was himself part of Kakori conspiracy case and got life conviction, though being just fifteen years or so at that time.I was so impressed that I started translating the book in my mother tongue Punjabi. By that time I had done JBT-teachers training course and passed Prabhakar(Hons. in Hindi) examination as private candidate, securing first position in Punjab.This got me a job of Hindi Teacher in a Government High School in Poohla village of Bathinda district.These sketches were serialized in 'Desh Bhagat Yaadan', fortnightly brought out by legendary Ghadarite Baba Gurmukh Singh Lalton from Desh Bhagat Yadgar Hall Jalandhar. Some of the pieces were published in 'Preetlari' and 'Aarsee' like respected literary journals also.Till that time I could read and understood books in Hindi and Punjabi only, English was a far dream yet.So I read many books in these languages on revolutionary heroes and got particularly enchanted with Bhagat Singh.Perhaps first meeting on Bhagat Singh I attended on 23rd March 1969 in Public Library Bathinda on his martyrdom day, which was addressed by well known Punjabi short story writer and joint editor of 'Preetlari' Navtej Singh, with his father Gurbux Singh Preetlari at that time.
But I had to struggle a lot,while doing job, passed graduation privately and even M.A. part I too privately. I joined Panjab University Chandigarh to complete M.A. part-II of Hindi.This opened new paths of life for me.Though continued with my school job, even after completing my M.A., my teachers union activity and doing M.A. Punjabi again privately,kept me close to study about revolutionaries as well as studying lot of creative Indian and world literature.Though registered for PhD in Hindi with Prof. Romesh Kuntal Megh, could not proceed much.In this period became quite active in Punjabi cultural movement and with some writings and translations to credit, became known as Chaman Lal 'Prabhakar' in literary circles.Kumar Vikal, Mohan Bhandari and Bhushan known as Dhianpuri at that time became part of circle and by organizing Punjabi Sahit Sabha at Rampura Phul;, came into contact with stalwarts of Punjabi literature as well-Prof. Mohan Singh, Sant Singh Sekhon, Gurdial Singh etc. Pash, Waryam sandhu, Surinder Hemjyoti, Ajmer Aulakh,Amarjit Chandan,Harbhajan Halwarvi, Attarjeet, Sant Ram Udasi,Lal singh Dil etc. were all part of same stream at that time. We worked together in ;'Panjabi Sahit Sabhiachar Manch',with guidance from Nagi Reddy group of ML movement in Punjab at that time.In 1975 Emergency spent seven months in Bathinda and Patiala jails.
In 1977, I joined JNU for research and left school job.Five years in JNU as student had been the best period of my life so far.While after doing Hindi Officer job for sometime in Bombay, I had a short stint in JNU again, before getting long time job at Punjabi University Patiala as academician.Before leaving for Patiala, I completed editing 'Bhagat Singh aur Unke sathiyon Ke dastavez' with Jagmohan Singh for Rajkamal Publishers Delhi, which got published in 1986, to become all time best sellers till now.From 1985 to 2002,I remained confined to literature and has many publications in Hindi, Punjabi and English-books as well as articles in journals/newspapers.
Again after 2002,my interest returned to Bhagat Singh and this time I collected documents of Bhagat Singh alone with the title-'Bhagat Singh ke Sampuran Dastavez'(Complete Documents of Bhagat Singh).Preface of the book was written by Kultar Singh, younger brother of Bhagat Singh and book was released during World Book fair in Delhi in February 2004.This also became as much a hit as was early collection.In the meantime National Book Trust Chairman Prof. Bipan Chandra assigned me to write a monograph on Kartar Singh Sarabha, which I completed only after joining JNU as Professor in Hindi translation in 2005.By this time I got Central Hindi directorate award for translating Surjit Patar's poetry in Hindi, Sahitya Akademi Translation Prize for translating Pash's poetry in Hindi in 2002 and Punjab Govt.'s Shiromani Hindi Sahitkar award for 2003.
By the time I joined JNU I had enough publications on Hindi and Punjabi literature, including that of criticism and translation, which were getting published every year.However from 2006,my whole interest seemed to got concentrated on Bhagat Singh and other revolutionary heroes during 75th martyrdom centenary(2006) and in 2007 birth centenary of Bhagat singh. I became an active campaigner and writer on Bhagat Singh in this period, more at non official level,but some at official level also. By impressing upon left parliamentary parties, which were supporting UPA Govt. in those days, I got Bhagat Singh centenaries included in official functions also, which resulted in publication fo Bhagat Singh's documents from publication division for the first time in 60 years,This was edited by me as 'Shaheed Bhagat Singh:Dastavezon ke Aaine Mein'. Also got 'Jail Notebook and other writings' with my introduction, published from Left Word Delhi, which has got many reprints in paper back till now. NBT also got 'Bhagat Singh ke Rajnitik Dastavez' edited from me. On my own I prepared a book in Punjabi, my mother tongue-'Bhagat Singh:Vicharvan Inqlabi', published by Navyug Press Delhi, best in Punjabi language publications. My own writings in Hindi on Bhagat Singh were published in 2009 under the title-'Bhagat Singh' by Medha books Delhi.Another collection of my writings on Bhagat Singh, including some in EPW and Monthly Review is under publication as 'Understanding Bhagat Singh' from English and Foreign Languages University Hyderabad.Hindi literary monthly 'Gyanoudey' also got column on Indian revolutionaries from me during year 2007, which is now ready to be published in book form any time. In Punjabi my book appeared as 'Inqlabi Itihas De Sunehari Panne in 2006 by Tarak Bharti publishers Barnala.During 2006-2010,I delivered forty plus lectures on Bhagat Singh in different parts of the country and abroad.My NBT collection of Bhagat Singh documents has recently come out in Urdu translation also,which I wish to see that it reaches Pakistan.
Why I got so much involved with this theme? As part of left and democratic movement I realized that one needs to have heroes from one's own tradition to have emotional appeal among masses.Bhagat Singh is one such hero, who has mass appeal,and who has the best enlightened leftist ideas during freedom movement.Bhagat Singh like Che Guvera is an ideal hero for not only India,but for whole South Asia as a whole, as Che is for whole of Latin America and both together for the whole world.Other reason was to place Bhagat Singh in proper ideological perspective, he was just projected as brave ,fearless patriot,but despite his writings available, he was not projected as clear socialist revolutionary thinker, to some extent deliberately.Prof. Bipan Chandra brought his ideological position clearly in 1970's,I took the task further by bringing into light his writings into focus, so that people could know him directly from his writings.I have lot more material to focus upon him, like official documents from National Archives including intelligence reports, which I want to use in a book-'Bhagat Singh:Through Colonial and Nationalist eyes'.I have a desire to get complete set of articles published in 'Mainstream' journal, in a book form,which could prove to be the best collection of articles on Bhagat Singh.'I am working now on "Bhagat Singh Reader', assigned to me by Penguin India for international edition,may be completed in this year.This will bring Bhagat Singh's complete documents in English at international level.This would provide me greatest satisfaction of my life, as and when it comes out.Ameen! "Inqlab Zindabad'(Long Live Revolution)

The Untouchable-Bhagat Singh-courtesy-Malwinderjit Singh Waraich

2010-04-10T09:29:00.000-07:00
The Untouchable
(Published in ‘Kirti’ (Punjabi) June 1929)

Our country is in a really bad shape; here strangest questions are asked, the foremost concerns the untouchables, who count 6 crores in population of 30 crores.
For instance :-
Would the contact with an untouchable mean defilement of an upper caste?
Would the gods in the temples, not get angry by the entry of untouchables there?
Would the drinking water of a well not get polluted if the untouchables drew their water from the same well?
That these questions are being asked in the twentieth century, is a matter which makes our heads hang in shame.
We Indian boast of our spiritualism, but then, we avoid accepting every human being as a fellow being just like ourselves. Western people on the other hand, who carry a reputation of being money minded, had unequivocally affirmed their faith in the principle of equality. This they did during the revolutions in America and France and above all in Russia,

these days which is committed to the extension of this principle to all aspects of life and to ending of discriminations in any form whatsoever, thereby fulfilling the ideals of May Day declaration. But we Indians on our part who never tire of boasting about our gods and godliness are, yet seriously debating whether to permit the untouchables to wear the sacred thread or the janeu and whether the untouchables be permitted to read Vedas / Shastras. We often complain about our maltreatment in other countries, and particularly when we are maltreated by the whites, do we have any moral right to voice such a protest?
In 1926, Sindhi Muslim gentleman, Mr. Nur Mohd member of Bombay Legislative Council aptly remarked:-
“If the Hindu society refuses to allow other human beings, fellow creatures at that, to attend public schools, and if …. The president of the local board representing so many lakh of people, in his house, refuses to allow his fellows

and brothers, the elementary human right of having water to drink, what right have they to ask for more rights from the bureaucracy? Before we accuse the people coming from other lands, we should see how people…

how can we ask for grater political rights when (we ourselves) deny elementary rights of human beings.
How true! But since this had been said by a Muslim, Hindus lost no time in alleging that the Muslim’s real intention was to convert the untouchables to Islam and thus assimilate them into their own brotherhood. But then, it amounted to an open admission of the harsh truth--that if you (the Hindus) treat them worse than your cattle, they shall desert you, join to the fold of other religions where they hope to enjoy more rights, where they are treated as fellow beings.
Would it not then be pointless to blame the Christians and Muslims, that they were undermining Hinduism?
How fair and true! Yet the Hindus tremble in anger on hearing this plain truth. In any case, it had shaken Hindus from their complacency in the matter. Orthodox Brahimins too started re-thinking about it, also joined by some self-proclaimed reformers. At Patna a gala Hindu meet was held. Lala Lajpat Rai, known for his longstanding sympathy for the untouchables was presiding. A lot of hot arguments were exchanged as to whether the untouchables are eligible to wear sacred thread, the janeu? Could they read Vedas / Shastras? A number of social reformers lost their temper but Lala ji was able to persuade them to compromise on these two matters and thereby saved the prestige of Hindu religion; otherwise, what would have been the consequences?
Just imagine how shameful! Even a dog can sit in our lap, it can also move freely in kitchen but if a fellow human touches you, your dharma is endangered. So much so, even a reputed social reformer like Pandit Malviya ji, known for his soft corner for the untouchables, first agrees to be publicly garlanded by a sweeper, but then afterwards regards himself to be polluted till he bathes and washes those clothes. How ironical! In the temples meant for worshipping God, who lives in us all, once a poor man enters it, it gets defiled and God gets annoyed. When this is the state of affairs within the Hindu fold, does it behave us to quarrel and fight in the name of the Brotherhood? Above all, this kind of our approach to the question amounts of an ingratitude of the degree; those who provide us the comforts by doing menial jobs for us, we shun them. We could worship even animals, but would not tolerate fellow humans to sit beside us.
This is an issue of hot debate these days, the poor creatures getting special attention in this way. In the context of our advance towards national liberation, the problem of communal representation (seats in the legislatures allotted in proportion to Hindu/ Sikh/ Muslim population) may not have been beneficial in any other manner but atleast Hindu / Muslim / Sikhs are all striving hard to maximize their own respective quota of seats by attracting the maximum number of untouchables to their own respective folds. Accordingly Muslims started by providing them equal rights after converting them to Islam.
This naturally hurt the Hindus. Bitterness mounted, riots too broke out. By and by Sikhs, too woke up lest they be left behind in this race. They too started administering Amrit; tension mounted between Sikhs and Hindus over the removal of janeu or hair shaving. All in all, all the three are trying to out do the others, resulting in widespread disturbances. Christians sitting on the fence are quietly consolidating their hold.
Be as it may, this turmoil is certainly helping us to move towards the weakening of the hold of untouchability.
As for themselves, when they discovered that all this great turmoil was on their account and Hindus / Muslims / Sikhs, all were trying to profit at their cost, they have also started thinking, “Why should we not organize on our own?” No one is certain whether they are doing so as a result of official prompting or at their own but once this line of thinking had taken roots, certainly this trend is being fully backed up by official quarters. “Adi Dharam Mandal” and the like are the end result of this trend.
Here, the basic question arises, how precisely can we solve this tangle? The answer is quite obvious; above all, it needs to be settled for good, that all humans are equal without distinctions of birth or vocation. In other words since someone is born in a poor sweepers’ family, he shall continue cleaning toilets all his life and thus getting deprived of all chances of progress in life, all this nonsense. Historically speaking, when our Aryan ancestors nurtured these practices of discrimination towards these strata of society, shunning all human contact with them by labeling them as menials, and assigning all the degrading jobs to them, they also, naturally started worrying about a revolt against this system. All this is the result of your past sins; what can be done about it? Bear if silently! and with such kinds of sleeping pills, were they able to buy peace for quite some time. All the same they were guilty of a great sin on this account, since this amounted to the negation of core human values like self-esteem and self-reliance; a grossly cruel conduct by all means. Yet present is the moment of its atonement.
In a broader social perspective, untouchability had a pernicious side-effect; people in general got used to hating the jobs which were otherwise vital for life. We treated the weavers who provided us cloths as untouchable. In U.P. water carriers were also considered untouchables. All this caused tremendous damage to our progress by undermining the dignity of labour, especially manual labour. We have thus to accept it, once for all, that in order to move forward we have to give up either considering or calling them untouchables.
Everything else shall fall in place by itself.
In this regard strategy adopted by Naujwan Bharat Sabha and the Youth conference is, most apt--to seek forgiveness from those brethren, whom we have been calling untouchables by treating them as our fellow beings, without making them go through conversion ceremonies of Sikhism, Islam or Hinduism, by accepting food / water from their hands. On the other hand quarrelling among ourselves in the race to win them over, without restoring to them their human dignity is futile.
But the moment we went to villages with our message of human equality and brotherhood mentioned above, Government agents started inciting the Jat community saying that this would embolden these menials to refuse serving you. This was sufficient to provoke the jats, to oppose our efforts in the right direction.
But the upper castes should also realise that their own status in life cannot change for the better as long they persist in considering these people as inferiors, calling them menials, and keep them under their heals. It is argued, they are unclean. The harsh truth is that they are poor; remove their poverty and they shall be clean. Don’t we find that the poor even among the upper castes are no less unclean? Besides doing unclean jobs is no bad; for example mothers perform all the unclean duties for their children. Do they become unclean?
However, ultimately the problem can not be satisfactory solved unless and until untouchable communities themselves unite and organize. We regard their recent uniting to form their distinct identity, and also demanding representation equal to Muslims in legislatures, being equal to them in number, is a move in the right direction. Either reject communal representation altogether, else give these people too their due share! In principle, Councils, Assemblies are duty bound to ensure full and free access for all these communities to schools, colleges, wells and roads; that too not only on paper but by actually accompanying them to wells, schools and get them admitted there. But can these legislatures, where a lot of hue and cry is raised even over a bill to ban child marriages, on the grounds that it shall be a threat to their religion, dare to bring the untouchables to their own level on their own? No, never, that is why we plead that they must persist in pressing for their own distinct representation in legislatures in proportion to their numerical strength. We mince no words in proclaiming: Arise! So called untouchables, the real sustainers of life, awake and reflect over your past, you were the backbone of Guru Gobind Singh’s army. Shivaji was able to achieve all that with your participation which made him ever shining in history. Your sacrifices are worthy of being embedded in golden letters. The way in which you sustain us and add to our comforts ought to make us feel grateful to you. It is we who fail to appreciate. The land Alienation Act (banning transfer of land to non-agriculturist communities, defined as per caste) does not permit you to buy land ever if you manage the necessary amount of cost. The way you are being oppressed had prompted Miss Mayo of U.S.A. to label you “less then man.” As a matter of fact, without your own efforts, you shall not able to move ahead.
“Those who would be free must themselves strike the first blow.” It must be kept in mind that every one belonging to the privileged class, strives to enjoy his own rights, but would try his utmost to keep on oppressing those below him, and keeping the underprivileged under his heel. Thus might is held to be right. Then waste no time and unite to stand on your own feet and challenge the existing order of society. Let it then be seen as to who dares to deny to you your due. Do not be at the mercy of others and have no illusions about them. Be on guard so as not to fall in the trap of officialdom, because far from being your ally it seeks to make you dance on its own tunes. The capitalist bureaucratic combine is, truly speaking responsible for your oppression and poverty. Hence always shun it. Be on guard about its tricks. This is then the way out. You are the real working class. Workers unite – you have nothing to lose but your chains. Arise and rebel against the existing order. Gradualism and reformism shall be of no avail to you. Start a revolution from a social agitation and gird up your loins for political economic revolution. You and you alone are the pillars of the nations and its core strength. Awake, O sleeping lions! Rebel, raise the banner of revolt.

Pakistan image of Bhagat Singh

2010-04-10T08:53:00.000-07:00

Lahore tribute to Bhagat Singh-23 March 2010

2010-04-10T08:49:00.000-07:00

Manoj Kumar film on Bhagat Singh

2010-04-10T08:46:00.001-07:00

Fizzu Saqi's poem on Bhagat singh

2010-04-10T08:44:00.000-07:00
my poem "Bhagget Singh"
Share
Saturday, 03 April 2010 at 17:17
Who took the sword of freedom in his hand
On! Onwards then with revolution's tide,
who fights with foe is fighting by the side
it matters not their colour or race,
Such a man was Bhagget Singh.
Martyr not just of India's fight
But a hero of all workers and oppressed
so let his name remain in our minds.
As he was Bhagget Singh who made us pride.

Fizzu Saqi created Bhagat Singh beautiful graphics

2010-04-10T08:40:00.000-07:00

In Bhagat Singh's Memory-Haroon Khalid- Courtesy Dr.Khatau Mal-Karachi Share

2010-03-29T07:12:00.000-07:00
In Bhagat Singh's memory

After making this demand for years, the citizens of Lahore have
finally changed the name of Shadman Chowk to Bhaghat Singh Chowk on
his 79th death anniversary

By Haroon Khalid

There are few people who have challenged the status of Gandhi as the
most famous leader of the Indian Freedom Movement. Bhagat Singh at the
age of 23 was able to do that. This name has received immense coverage
in the recent years, courtesy the Indian cinema. Had it not been due
to the recent popular Indian movies, not many people in Pakistan would
have been aware of this young revolutionary, who shook the foundations
of the British Imperial Empire and gave a new impetus to the freedom
struggle. His methods and methodology was a marked departure from the
popular modus operandi of the Congress Party. Initially, Bhagat Singh
supported Gandhi's cause but after sudden end to the non-cooperation
movement following the Chauri Chaura incident, he was disillusioned by
the non-violence of Gandhi, preferring to do things his own way.
Bhagat Singh says in his writings that when the deaf can't hear, their
ears need to be pulled up; 'to make the deaf hear'. His bombing of the
Delhi Assembly was to achieve this purpose. The aim was not to kill
anyone as a low intensity bomb was used, and it was thrown at a vacant
location where it could do minimum damage. It was thrown only with the
purpose of making their voice reach the rulers. Gandhi rejected the
'cowardly' act; however, both Jinnah and Nehru developed a romantic
association with this young patriot and tried till the end to stop the
hanging of Bhagat Singh.

Much has been brought in front of the public about the life and
thoughts of the young revolutionaries by the movies; however, what
many people in Pakistan do not know is that this part of India, which
later became Pakistan, played a prominent role in the life of Bhagat
Singh. He was born in a small village in the out-skirts of Faisalabad,
where his ancestral house and primary school still stand. It is told
that one of his Muslim friends from early days, still lives in the
village.

Bhagat Singh got his education from Lahore, and this is where he
became a revolutionary in the true sense of the word. He also formed
his Naujawan Bharat Sabha in Lahore, whereas the office of the Party
was in a small room in the precincts of Mozang. It is said that the
room, where the office once was, still exists.

Bhagat Singh was kept in Lahore Jail which exists near Ichhra today.
However, at that time the jail was much bigger than what it is today,
covering most of the area of Shadman, right up to the Hata Mul Chand
Chowk.

Near the Main Market of Shadman, there is a roundabout with a
fountain, called the Shadman Chowk or Faware wala Chowk. It is said
that the gallows of the jail were around this area, and this is where
Bhagat Singh, along with his compatriots, Sukhdev and Rajguru, were
hanged on March 23, 1931.

The state of history in Pakistan is pitiable. Instead of being taught
as a subject to illumine the mind of the pupil, it is used as a
political weapon to mould the thoughts of the young. The results
achieved so far have been more than satisfactory. It is bizarre how
even the elitist schools in the country would begin teaching history
from Indus valley, talk about Gandhara civilization and jump straight
to the Mughals, leaving a void of more than a thousand years. The
legacy of Bhagat Singh has also escaped history books even though he
is so closely associated with Lahore; not many people are able to make
that connection. Despite receiving recognition from the founder of
Pakistan, Bhagat Singh has failed to make an impact on the policy
makers of the country, which sadly is not Bhagat Singh's loss but our
own. The reason seems to be the non-Muslim credentials of the martyr.
Hopefully one day, we would be able to look outside the pale of
religious boundaries and admire and own people by their actions and
thoughts and not by their dogmatic parameters.

There are nonetheless a few organisations and individuals in the
country who seem to admire the history of our land, and make an effort
to own and disperse it amongst the people. On the 23rd of March this
year, when most of the Pakistanis were enjoying the 'Pakistan Day'
holiday with their families and friends, there were a handful of
people who were protesting at the Shadman Chowk. These people, who
belong to the various communist and socialist groups of the city, have
been gathering here on this particular day, exhorting the government
to change the name of this Chowk from Shadman Chowk to Shaheed Bhagat
Singh Chowk, in memory of the youth of Lahore who sacrificed his life
for the desolate people of India, irrespective of their colour, creed
or religion.

Over the years this particular group has been able to get recognition
from local politicians and the media. Some years ago, the then
Governor Punjab Lt. General (Retd) Khalid Maqbool conceded to their
demand verbally. However, since this issue is for the local government
and not for the governor, the order could not be implemented.
Therefore, the struggle goes on. This year when the group met at a
preliminary meeting at Diep Saeeda's house, it was suggested by Iqbal
Qaiser that instead of asking the officials to change the name, they
should rather put up a board next to the Chowk, declaring it Shaheed
Bhagat Singh Chowk, just like somebody decided to call it Chaudary
Rehmat Ali Chowk a few years ago. The former board that sprang up over
night may likely counter the demand of this group. On March 23, they
completely covered the existing board with spray paint, and wrote
Shaheed Bhagat Singh Chowk on it. Even though the local inspector
objected to their action, he did nothing. Salman Rashid pointed out a
few weeks ago, how various crossings are named after local traders,
etc. Let us see if this crossing would be able to retain its new name
given to it by this group.

There is another interesting story related to this area. The British
rule at that time demanded presence of a magistrate by the gallows at
the hour of persecution. However, such was the support of these three
people that no magistrate in whole of India wanted to take the risk.
The British in desperation turned to Nawab Muhammad Ahmad, who was an
honorary judge from Kasur. He was present at the time of their
hanging, from where their bodies were taken to the bank of River
Sutlej where they were cremated in his presence. Later on, people
built samadhis to mark the area. These are present on the Indian side
of the border, and are visible from Ganda Singh, Pakistan.

The irony is that later, during Bhutto's tenure, Nawab Muhammad Khan
was killed at this place (Shadman). His son Ahmad Raza Khan Kasuri
launched an FIR against Z.A. Bhutto at the Ichhra police station for
the murder of his father. Later, Zia-ul-Haq hanged Bhutto for the
death of Nawab Muhammad Ahmad. He is buried in Kasur near Bulleh
Shah's tomb. On one side of Sutlej is the grave of this magistrate and
on the other are the Smadhs of the Shaheeds.

Being a historical location and closely associated with Bhagat Singh,
it is a reasonable demand on the part of the citizens of Lahore to
rename this Chowk after Shaheed Bhagat Singh. After years of futility,
they have finally taken the action themselves. In a city where anybody
can name a Chowk on his/her name, it would indeed be a pity if the
name of Shaheed Bhagat Singh Chowk is not accepted by the authorities,
and the populace.

harunkhalid@hotmail.com

On Bhagat singh's distorted pictures in Govt. advertisements

2010-03-23T04:17:00.001-07:00
Professor Chaman Lal Dated:--23rd March 2010

Chairperson

Centre of Indian Languages (SLL&CS)

Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi -110067

Media Release on distortion of Bhagat Singh face in Govt. Advertisements.

Shimla: It is extremely painful and shameful to know that both Central Govt. of India and state Govt. of Punjab have issued advertisement on 23rd March martyrdom day with the disfigured face of Bhagat Singh. In spite of the fact that I have been bringing this to the notice of President and Prime Minister of India and Chief Minister of Punjab many times through my email communications that both Governments are using a thoroughly distorted painting of Bhagat Singh’s face since decades, even the statues erected at hussainiwala and later at basing on that at Parliament complex have been distorted due to using this painting rather than the real pictures of Bhagat Singh, which are available. In spite of protests made by the family members of Bhagat Singh and scholars working on martyrs, both the Governments have shown utter insensitivity in this matter and continuing with their contemptuous treatment of martyr’s face, which has never been done in case of national leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Netaji Subhash Bose or Dr. Ambedkar.It is only with most respected martyr of the country and region that this insulting behavior is repeated every other day. For instance today’s papers carry Central Government advertisement with red turbaned painting picture of Bhagat Singh and state Government of Punjab carries yellow turbaned painting picture of the martyr. Fact of the matter is when four real photographs of Bhagat Singh are available, then why one of the original photographs is not being used. Most popular and the last photograph of Bhagat Singh wearing an English hat was taken on 4th April 1929 by Ramnath, a photographer at Kashmere gate Delhi. Both Governments to out do each other in communal politics use turbaned painting of the martyr. Even if someone wants to use turbaned photograph of Bhagat Singh, that is also available with the family and now with the whole world through internet. This photograph of Bhagat Singh is with white turban and white Kurta taken at National College Lahore. One photo is of eleven years with turban and another without turban, but with bound head hair taken at Lahore police station being interrogated in 1927. Any where in the world, only real photographs are used to focus upon their national or international heroes, paintings are used only in case when real photographs are not being available, so painters try their imagination to create the images, as in case of gods and goddesses or even Sikh Gurus, when camera was not available.

I appeal to fair minded people in the Government and outside not to treat this matter so lightly. In fact I have given the four real photograph card, along with my book ‘Jail Notebook and Other writings’ (Bhagat Singh) to honorable Chief Justice of India Justice K.G. Balakrishanan as well, when he came to inaugurate Supreme court exhibition ‘the Trial of Bhagat Singh’ in September 2007.I wish that if the governments do not pay any attention to this sensitive issue ,I request Hon’ble Courts to take sue motto notice of this statement and issue notices to state and central Governments. If some public spirited advocate wishes to file public interest petition, he or she should do it for this national cause.

Chaman Lal

Indian Institute of Advanced Study Shimla(March 2010 only)-0177-2831376/2832195

Tel. 011-26704656 (Mob.-09868774820) Email: - prof.chaman@gmail.com

79 years ago Bhagat Singh story in The Tribune-Lahore

2010-03-22T23:25:00.001-07:00

Kuldip Nayar in The Tribune

2010-03-22T23:18:00.001-07:00

Inqlab Zindabad

2010-03-22T11:41:00.001-07:00
It is 23rd March now on the clock-the most significant day for revolutionary movement of not only India,but for whole of South Asia, at least as important for Pakistan as for India.The greatest martyr of both India and Pakistan held the head of dignity of indian nation of 1931 and revolutionary movement of the whole world, high, with the resounding sounds of 'Inqlab Zindabad' and Down with Imperialism'.The event made the British colonialism hang its head in shame before the brave three-Bhagat singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev!
         Yesterday amarjit chandan sent a link of Aajkal Urdu daily from Lahore with the question that 'whether Bhagat Singh came to my dreams ever?' Since I went to bed only after it struck 23rd March and put a small note for the day on facebook and blog,I kept on thinking to update the note with photographs, so I am doing it now,have posted some rare photographs on facebook.
          I am trying to imagine the three days of March 1931.On 20th March Bhagat Singh wrote to Governor of Punjab, daring him to send firing squad in order to shoot them, as they were 'war prisoners', since the war was on between Indian nation and British colonialism.On 22nd March Bhagat singh wrote a letter to his Comrades, exhorting them to continue the struggle, though they will face immense hardships,more than dyeing; living and struggling will be much difficult...And what on 23rd itself,I presume they all three slept well in the night, after singing revolutionary songs.They knew only about 24th March as the day of execution.At the time of meetings, Pran Nath Mehta their friend and advocate brought the book on or by Lenin as sought by Bhagat singh , a day earlier.In all likelihood Pran Nath Mehta must have informed Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev that all their families have refused to avail the last meeting with them, though all three families were present in Lahore that day for the last meeting. Rajguru's poor mother  traveled all the way from Maharshtra to be with his son.Sukhdev's mother was there with Sukhdev's uncle Lala Achint Ram Thapar, who was like a father to Sukhdev after the death of his father earlier.Jail authorities refused permission to Lala Achint Ram to accompany them for the last meeting, due to 'not being blood relation'.To protest against this, the all three families refused to avail the meeting.I was trying to gauge the pain of three mothers, particulary of Rajguru's poor mother, who came all the way from a village near Pune in Maharashtra,who has not got many chances to meet her son during the trial, being far away.At least Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev families had many chances to meet them,being in Punjab.Bhagat singh was worried that at last meeting his mother may not cry, so he advised her not to come,she did come,but now showing examplary courage bear pain, refused to see their sons for last time, exposing British colonial regime's cruelty in its worst form.
              Bhagat Singh could understood everything,when Bogha, dalit jail worker came ,Bhagat singh asked him to cook lunch for them.In 1931, Bogha cried,he can't commit this 'sin' to cook for 'high caste',but bhagat singh told him that before going to gallows, he has to eat from the hands of 'Bebe', they used to call Bogha, bebe(mother), since like mother he cleansed their shit.Bhagat singh had his way and got his last food from 'Bebe'.Then he started reading Lenin and around four jail warder Chatar Singh requested them to take bath,could not explain anything except crying.Bhagat singh understood 'time is up'. they got ready for the 'last and final journey'.Bhagat singh again continued reading lenin book, when around six, the jail staff came to fetch them,Bhagat singh smiled and said-'wait for a while', 'let me finish this page-a revolutionary is meeting another revolutionary, don't spoil the beauty of their meeting' .they waited.
         All three arms in arms, singing started moving towards gallows.bhagat singh's weight has increased by ten pounds, with the expectation of execution, mind 'exepectation and not apprehension', as he was so happy and excited to sacrifice his life for the country and people, in order to awaken them.i sometime wonder whether we shall celebrate 23 March with happiness or express sorrow as many people do.Bhagat singh would have said-Celebrate your struggles on this day, don't spread gloom, be cheerul and strong.
                       At 7.p.m or around, they were at gallows,Bhagat singh refused to wear the black cloth on his face and told British officer-you are lucky to see how happily Indians go to gallows for the nation.Saddam hussain was not the first to go to gallows with uncovered face, Bhagat singh was the first one.
                       And what did the British after the executions were over. Scared of people's anger, gathered at jail gate, the news spread fast.They mutiliated the bodies by cutting these into pieces, put into stacks and took from back gate towards hussainiwala, had burnt the bodies with kerosene oil with some Pandit/Granthi around from Kasur. Large number of people walking bby foot collected the half burnt body pieces,brought to Lahore and a lakh people joined in funeral march to Ravi bank in Lahore on 24th March evening.Thus ended the saga of one of bravest men and patriot of history at the age of 23 years and five months plus.
        Today i had to decline many invitations on Bhagat singh memorial programmes from Allahabad, Nagpur, delhi, Patiala, Chandigarh,begusarai and from Jhunjhunu in Rajsthan ,where a statue of Bhagat Singh is being inaugurated.My heart though is at Phansighat Lahore, where at 4.pm, many activists are gathering to pay homage to the great martyrs of both India and Pakistan. My greetings to all revolutionary people anywhere in the world on this great day and best tribute to Bhagat Singh and Che Guvera is to shout with them-Inqlab Zindabad', Down with Imperialism(Neo colonialism)' and Socialist movement revival zindabad.Long Live revolution and Long Live Socialism.

Bhagat Singh in Tribune

2010-03-21T09:53:00.000-07:00
p://www.tribuneindia.com/2010/20100321/spectrum/main1.htm

Sher Ali-The martyr of 1872

2010-02-13T00:43:00.000-08:00

Andaman martyr Sher Ali martyred in 1872,killed Viceroy Lord Meyo

Sher Ali Khan was Punjabi Pathan, who was not released from Andamans(Kale Pani) despite completing his period of jail punishment and he was the first significant martyr after 1857 war of independence against British colonial regime. Incidentally Sher Ali is the only patriot in the whole history of freedom movement,who has assassinated the highest British official, in fact the representative of queen -The Viceroy of India.
Incidentally among 381 recorded martyrs of Jallianwala Bagh Massacre on 13th April 1919 in Amritsar, 54 were Muslims,84 Sikhs and lot many Dalits, apart from high caste Hindus of that time.

Statues of Bhagat Singh in India and Pakistan

2010-02-09T04:49:00.000-08:00

Govt. of India coin on Bhagat Singh Statue of Bhagat Singh in Partapgarh
    Statue of Bhagat Singh in Kolkata is next.Then it is Bhagat Singh painted picture near Lyallpur(Pakistan) Next is Bhagat Singh statue in Ramnagar near Jim Corbett park. Next is Bhagat Singh statue at Nawanshehar Museum in Punjab.Last is Bhagat Singh-Rajguru-Sukhdev statues at Hussainiwala(Ferozepur). Three larger statues also at Hussainiwala border near Kasur in Pakistan..

Bhagat Singh special-Irtaqa-44-Karachi Urdu journal-Zahida Hina article on Bhagat Singh

2010-02-02T05:31:00.000-08:00

Urdu translation of My article on Bhagat Singh in 'Irtqa'-44-Karachi

2010-01-28T00:41:00.000-08:00

Ghori Shaheed Bhagat Singh sung in Lahore in 1932

2010-01-28T00:31:00.000-08:00

Bhagat Singh playmate passes away in Lyallpur

2010-01-24T06:45:00.000-08:00

Abdul Haque, a childhood playmate of Bhagat Singh in Chak no. 105,distt.Lyallpur,now Faislabad in Pakistan passed away last week.He was nearly 105 years old.Shehzad Aalm of Sanjhey Lok phoned today and gave this sad news.I was looking for his photograph,which he promised to send.He told that a video has already been made on him and I hope that shall also be available in some time. Last year Shehzad sent me photographs of Primary school of Bhagat Singh, also photographs of his birth house,which I also clicked in April 2007.Shehzad told about one Mai of nearby village,where Bhagat Singh used to take shelter in his underground days,about which no body talked about earlier.Mai also has passed away,I have requested the photographs of that house and also pictures of that family. Some photographs sent by Shehzad last year,now attached above-Primary school of Chak no.105,where Bhagat Singh studied and Beri in his birth house.

Shehzad also referred to the mangoes in Bhagat Singh family owned 17 acre mango garden. Though he picked mangoes to be sent to India,these got ripe so they had it.Some delegates are likely to visit Lyallpur Khalsa College Jalandhar on 6th February 2010 college function from the area of Bhagat Singh birth place.Bhagat Singh birth area people are planning to hold a function in Bhagat Singh's memory at Faislabad, new name for Lyallpur this year.Lyallpur historian Janab Waqar is also working on Bhagat Singh. Sibte Rizvi's old book in Urdu=Bhagat Singh Aur Unke Sathi- translation of Ajoy Ghosh memoirs of Bhagat Singh with leftist scholar activist Sibte Rizvi's introduction was published in Pakistan in early seventies,its new edition perhaps has come recently.So Bhagat Singh continues to live in the hearts of Pakistani people.People like Farhad Khan has named their lane as 'Bhagat Singh lane'.

Bradlagh Hall Lahore save campaign

2010-01-08T06:51:00.000-08:00

Bradlaugh Hall was found out with much difficulty by me and Zubair in April 2007,everyone seems to have forgotten about this historic bulding after 1947,which is in diloapidated condition.Its outside appearance still seems to be grand but from inside it is in bad shape.The place which was locating National College during 1922-1926,where Bhagat Singh was a student,now locates some small technical training kind of institute,that too not well maintained.Surroundings are also not conducive even to reach the place.The Hall was constructed in honor of Charles Bradlaugh, Labour party member of British parliament, a socialist,who supported freedom struggle of India at that time.The condition of the building should make Pakistani and Indian peace and freedom loving activists and Pakistani aestheticians to come out in support of making it internationally protected heritage building.I wrote to President and Prime Minister of India during BHagat Singh centenary year(2007) to approach Pakistan Govt. to declare it heritage building and bring it under at least archeology deptt. of Pakistan Govt.,but as usual,when the Presidents/Prime Ministers have time for such aesthetic/cultural issues? Hope Indo-Paki peace meet in IIC Delhi on 10-12 January will take note of it and also National School of Art like important institutions of Lahore will pay attention to make awareness campaign to protect and preserve this historic politic-cultural-aesthetic building,which could be one of bridges of friendship and peace between Indian and Pakistani people

Locations in Lahore-Lyallpur relating to Bhagat Singh

2010-01-08T06:47:00.000-08:00

Release of Hindi and Punjabi books on Bhagat Singh-2004 and 2009

2009-12-29T08:32:00.000-08:00

Bhagat Singh Book Release Delhi-18-12-07

2009-12-29T08:25:00.000-08:00

Reviews on my Punjabi book on Bhagat Singh

2009-12-15T08:11:00.000-08:00

Leaves from revolutionary History-Punjabi

2009-11-29T05:59:00.000-08:00

Kartar Singh Sarabha-monograph in Punjabi

2009-11-29T05:58:00.000-08:00

Documents of Bhagat Singh and his Comrades-Ist bound edition by Rajkamal-1986

2009-11-29T05:56:00.001-08:00

Ghadar Party Hero-Kartar Singh Sarabha

2009-11-29T05:55:00.000-08:00

Bhagat Singh:A Thinker Revolutionary

2009-11-28T05:37:00.000-08:00

A book on Bhagat Singh,published from Canada

2009-11-28T02:51:00.001-08:00

The Jail Notebook and Other Writings of Bhagat Singh

2009-11-28T02:21:00.003-08:00

Political Documents of Bhagat Singh

2009-11-28T02:14:00.001-08:00

Complete Documents of Bhagat Singh

2009-11-28T02:12:00.000-08:00

Bhagat Singh personality through comprehensive documents

2009-11-28T02:08:00.001-08:00

Threat of Neo Imperialism and revolutionary legacy of Bhagat Singh

2009-11-28T02:07:00.000-08:00

Documents of Bhagat Singh and his Comrades

2009-11-28T02:06:00.001-08:00

Ist edition of Documents

2009-11-28T02:03:00.000-08:00

MY LATEST BOOK ON BHAGAT SINGH

2009-11-28T02:02:00.000-08:00

Book in Telegu of Bhagat Singh Documents

2009-11-27T23:48:00.000-08:00

Marathi collection of Bhagat Singh documents

2009-11-27T23:45:00.000-08:00

Pictures of revolutionaries

2009-10-11T08:21:00.000-07:00
http://www.facebook.com/home.php?#/album.php?aid=8590&id=1809775413

Ghadar memorial site

2009-10-11T08:14:00.000-07:00
http://www.ghadarmemorial.net/